Columbus morning journal. (Columbus, Ohio), 1866-10-26

              r IlAILT Uiie 'run-ie. each insertion 1 " HpcUI Notices per Square, each loser . I. iuu ...a............ ..( - " " Loc-l eud Hum upas NotiCM, par lint, each insertion ! 101 Wiiklt Out. Square, eaob Ins-rtkin I 60 " Local and BusiaeM Notices, pur lint, each lupnrtion 1' 31' er"Ou fclquare cover tbreo-quarti-ra of en hrf f space In tha rolumni ol the Joouai.. Mtrrlago Notion) SO ota., when undi-r 0t iiu . HiH.k and Job Printing- neatly end promptly i. meo. MORNING JOURNAL oiilee 9i'u I Earn Mule Mrrt. ANDREW JOHNSON AND HiS A0C0VIPLI0B8. j.-r 1-ef.tre allil the First Office in (he ctfc ol the prople aiAr s poor rlt ol An man ambition as when tti1tw John.ou made It an em I nrnee on which to exhibit Ivabll.ty to tt-have and IniMpncify lo teasun. From the Atlantlo Monti I; for Novtms r. A'j iiear Johnson hn) dealt the most eras of 'l blow to the respectability of the fac tion whie i rpj.)ic?8 in Ms nsrue. Hardly nm'i tn poiit'cit ri;cKaiirs sod Turvey drop cootrived so to manage the Johnson lDUY.nuon at rniHoviphia that, it violated fw of liio proprieties of intrigue, aiid none or ih? decencies of dishonesty, than tbe corr.min ler-in chief of th combination took tte teM in poison, wiih the intention of cimvicjt the country by assault. Hi ob joctivo point was tbe grave of Douglas, woiou Tiecaite, by the time be arrived, the gr ., also, of bis cwn reputation and tbe ar.p, h or nis partisans ids speeches on the route were a volcanic mi. break of vulgarity, onncuit, bombast, smiiiiliiy, ignorance, in-olenoe, brutality and balderdash. Pertains of I iiht.-r, cms of disgust, flushings ol shams, ware tbe various responses of the mmon he disgraced to the harangues of this leader of American "conservatism." Nevnr before did tbe 6int offioe in the eifi of itie people appear so poor an objeot of numan am onion, as w&en Andrew Johnson mnje it an eminence on whioh to exhibit inability lo behave, and incapacity to rea-I ms. Ute low ounniog conspired with bis devouring egotiHin 10 make him throw off nil the rentraints of offioinl decorum, in the ex). eolation thut be would find duplioatce of himself in Ibe crowds he addreBaed, and inat luoo umusea woula heartily sympa- iu,Ku Hi'a muu impersonaiea never was tiiusriug demagogue led by a distempered nun of flpll'-importanee into a more fata en nr. Not only was tbe great body of the I'fi plH mortifii'd or indigaani, but even his "! api and ilrpendeniK," even the shrewd pilitioians accidents of an Accident and shadows of a shade who had labored so bird t Philadelphia to weave a cloak of plausibilities lo cover his usurpations, shiv- ere.t wun apprebension or tingled with idiftme i( they read the reports of tieir meter's impolitic aod iguominioue abandonment of dignity snd deceooy In his ad- mesifs to the people ho attempted alter- na n y to nuliy and cajole. That a man thus self-exposed as unworthy of high trust tnriiid navfl nua ine faoo to expect that intelligent constituencies would send to Congress men piedged to support At policy and hi measures, appeared for tbe '.imeto bi as pmaoie a spectacle of human delusion m it ms an exasperating example of human impudence, r Not the least extraordinary peculiarity of these addresses from the stump was jthe inimense roiuberauce they exhibited of the personal pronouu. Iu Mr. Jobneoa'e peeoh, his "I" resembles Ibe geometer's de-uni 1 p, ion of infinity, having "its center every whero and its circumferenco nowhere." Au.org the many kiuds of egotism in whloh hiseloquLce is prolific, it maybe difficult to f.sten on the purticular one which it . roost delesiible or moat laughable; but is seem to us llmt when his srrogaucw spea . humility it is deserving perhaps of so In-teoser d.gree of -ecorn or derision than wbeu it riots in bravado. Tbe most' offensive part which he plays in publlo is that of 'ibe humble individual," braggiug of the low iicus of his origin, hinting of the great merits which could alone have lifted bias 10 bis present exalted station, and repi'cs-miug himself as so satiated with tbe swei is of unsought power as to b indifferent to its honors. Ambition is not for bim, fir ambition aspires; and what object has he to aspire to? t rom his contented mediocrity as alderman of a village, the people have insisted on elevating him Irom one pinnacle of greatness to another, until they have at last oinde him President of the United States. He might have been Diotator bad he pleased; but what, (0 a man wearied with authority and Jignily, would dictatorship be wortLI If he is proud of anything, it. is of the ta:lor's bench from whioh he started. He would have everybody to understand that he is humble thoroughly humble. Is this caricature? No. It is impossible to caricature Andrew Johnson when he mounts his high horsd of humility and becomes a sort of cross between Uriah He p and Josiah Boud derby of Cokvlown. Indeed, it is only by quoting Dioken's de- . ionption of the latter personage that we have anything which fairly matched the traits suggested by some statements in the President's speeches. "A big, loud man,? sajs the humorist, with a stare and ametali-lie laugh. A man made out of coarse mate rial, which seems to have been stretched to make so much of him. A man with a greaf puffed head and forehead, swelled veins in his temples, and suoh a strained skin to his face, that it seems to hold his eyes open and lift hie eyebrows up. A man with a pervading appearauoe on him of being Inflated like a balloon, and ready to start. A man who could never sufficiently vaunt himself a self made man. A man who was continually proclaiming through that brassy speaking irumphet of a, voice of bis, his old iguoranoe ana his old poverty. A man who wae the Bully of humility." If we turn from the moral and personal to the mental characteristics of Mr. John-Bon's speeohes, we find that his brain is lo be clisstd with notable oases of arrested development. He has strong forces In his nature, but in their outlet through his rnind ihey are dissipated into a confusing platter of unrelated thoughts and inapplicable phi ases. He seems (0 possess neither the power nor the perception of coherent thinking and logioal arrangement.' He does not appear to be aware that assertions are not arguments, that the proper method to answer an objection is not to repeat tbe preposition against whioh the objection was directed, that the proper method of unfolding a subject is not to make the successive statements a series of contradictions. Indeed, he seems lo have a thorough ani-jnaliied intellect, destitute of the notion of relation, with ideas which are but the form f determinations, and whioh derive thii force not from reason, but from will. With an individuality thus strong even to fierceness, but which has not been developed in tbe mental region, and which the least gust uf passion intellectually upsets, he is inoa-pible of looking at anything out of relations to himself of regarding it from that neutral ground which is the condition of intelligent discussion between opposing minds. Iu truth, he makes a virtue of being insensible to the evidence of faols and the deductions of reason, proclaiming to all tbe world that be has taken his position, that be will never swerve from it, and that all statements and arguments intended to Shake his resolves are impertinences indicating that their authors are Radicals and enemies of Ibe country. He is never weary f vaunting bis firmness, and firmness he doubtless hss, the firmness of at least a score of mule; but eveuts have shown that it is a different kind of firmness frosa that whioh keeps a statesman firm to his principles, a political leader to his pledges, a gentleman to his word. Amid all changes of opinion, ho has been eonscions of unchanged will, and tbe intellectual element forms to small a portion oi bis being, th'it when - be challenged "the man, winmn, or child to oome forward" and convict him of inconstancy to his professions, be knew that, towever it .might be with the rest of mankind, he would himself be uueonvinoed by any evidence which ibe said man, woman or child might adduce. Again, when he was asked by one of his audienoes why be did not hang Jeff. Davis, be retorted by txolaiminp, "Why don't you ask ask me why I have not hanged Thad Stephens snd Wendell Phillips? l'hey are as much traitors as Davis." And we are almost charitable enough to suppose that he saw no difference between the moral or le-tal treason of the man who for four years bad waited open war aeainst the Govern ment cf the United Stales, and the men who for one year bad sharply criticised the aots nd utterauocs of Andrew Johnson. It is not lo be expected that nice distinctions J,' : i; ! ....... COL M i. .A. . VOLUME XXIX. will be made bv a magistrate who is In lh habit of denying indisputable facts with the mry of a pugilist 'who baa reoeived a personal anronu and sf announcing demon. s'ratei fallacies with the imperturabie serenity of a philosopher proclaiming tbe fundamental laws ot human belief.' , His brain is entirely ridden by bis will;' arid of an me puonoTnen in the country, its official head is tbe one whose opiniou oarries with it the least intelieotual weight. It is lo the credit of our institutions and oar statesmen (bat the man least qualified by largeness of mind and moderation of temper to exercise uncontrolled power, should be ihe nan who aspired to usurp it. Tbe conetttutionaUn-stioot in the blood, and the constitutional prinoipal of the brain, of our real states men, preserve them from tbe folly and guilt 01 setting memseives up as imitative Csa-sars and Napoleons, the moment they are trusted with a little delegated power. Still we are told, that, with all his de-feois, Andrew Johnson is to,be honord and supported at a "oonaervauve" presi dent engaged in a oontest with a "radloaV Congresel It happens, however, thai, the two persons who specially represent progress in this struggle are Senator Tum hull and Feseenden. Senator Trumbull it the author of those two' important measWes whioh the President vetoed; Senator Fog, seuden is the chairman and or'gin of; jthe committee ot f ifteen wbioh the President anathematizes, how we desire to do Justice to tiie gravlijr of face which (he barti- a iua of Mr. Johnson preserve in announc ing their most absurd propositions, ttnoT especially do we commend their, oomidand of countenance while it is their privilege to contrast the wild notions -and violent speech of suoh lawless radicals as the Sena tor from Illinois and tbe Senator from Maine, -with the balanced judgment s-nd moderate temper of suoh a fat tern conservative as the President of the United Stales. The contrast prompts idess so irresistibly ludicrous, that to keep one's risibilities under austere control while instituting it argues a self-command almost nuraoulous. Andrew Johnson, however, such as he is in heart, intellect, will, and speech, Is the rf cognized leader of his party, and demands that the great mass of his partisans shall setve him, not merely by prostraticb of body, but by prostration of mind. , It isTthe hard duty oi his more intimate associates to translate' his broken utterances from Andy Johnton into constitutional phrase, to give these versions some shew of Jogieal arrangement, and to oarry out, as best they may, tneir own onjeots, . while professing boundless devotion to his. - By a eoDhteti- oal prooss of developing his rude notions, they often lead him to conclusions whioh be had not foresen, but which thev Iridnee him to make his own, not by a fruitless effort to quicken his mind into following the steps of their reasoning, but by stimulating his pawioos to the ooint ot adont. ing its results." They thus become cars- sites in order that they may become powers, j auu meir interests ma ec men particularly ruthless in their dealings with their master's consistency. Their relation to him ', if they would bluntly express it. michl be hr dioated in that brief formula: ''We will adore you in order that yon may ofcey us.'' The trouble with these politicians. ia.ihat they cannot tie the President' -tongug, a. a they tied the tongues of the eminent per sonages they invited from-all portions (of the country to keep silent at their great Convention at Philadelphia. ' That Convention was a master-piece of cunning political management; but its addresses 'aid resolutions were hardly laid at Mr. John son s feet, when, in Jiis exultation,, ke Kill -1 11 ft -nt .. . i -1 l' J - - vaauonu W W, 1 112 I Congreca of the United fltatet," which hi ftfinparQ "Bra ka aaan tin 1 iL. 1 verge of the Government." Now all, this was in the Address of the Convention, but it was not so brutally worded, nor So1 calculated to appal those-trmid ennnm-lers nf ihn Johuson party who thought, in thuir inno cence, that tbe object of the Philadelphia meeting was to heal the wounds ofciyil war, and hot to lay down" a programme by which it might be Teopened. "- Hurning, then, from Mr. Johnson to tbe maiiiesFQf his political supporters, let us see what ad-diiions it makes to political wisdom, and what gnarrantees it affords for future peace. We shall, not discriminate between3 Insur gent States and individual, insurgents, because, when individual insurgents arrtso overwhelmingly strong that they -carry their States with them: or when States are so overwhelmingly strong that they foroe individuals to be insurgents,-' it appears rto be needless. The terms are often used interchangeably in the Address, for the Convention was so largely composed of., individual insurgents that It was important to vary a little the charge that thev usnrntfd State powers with , the qualification thai they obeyed the powers they usurped, 4( tbe South, individual insurgents constitute the State when they determine to rebel, arid obey it when they desire to be pardoned. An identical thing cannot be altered by giving it two names. .. ,, i The principle whioh runs through the Philadelphia Address is, that insurgent States recover their former rights under the Constitution by the mere faot ot submission. This is equivalent to saying that the insur gent states incurred no guilt in rebellion. But States cannot beoome insurgent, nnless the authorities of suoh State commit ner- jury and treason, and their people become reoeis ana puotio enemies; perjury, treason and rebellion are commonly held to be crimes; and who ever heard before, that I criminals were restored to all theif'r'ights oi nonesi citizens ny tne mere fact or their arrest? . ii The doctrine, moreover, is a worse hcreav than that of secession; for secession implies that seceded States, being out of the Union, can plainly only be brought back by ' oon-queBt and on suoh terms as the.viotors saay choose to impusB. No oandid Southern rah el who believes that his State eeceded, and that he acted under competent authority when tie took up armg against tbe United States, can have theeffrontry to affirm that he bad inherent rights of citizenship. in "the foreign oounlry" against' which, he plotted and fought for four years. The 'so-called "right" of secession was claimed by the South as a constitutional right, to be peaceably exercised, but it passed intogthe broader and more intelligible "rights of revolution when it had to be sustained 'by war, and tbe condition of a defeated revolutionist !b certainly not that of a qualified voter in the nation, ,-against which hTe volted. But if insurgent -States recover their former right and privileges, when they submit to superior foroe, there is no reason why armed rebellion ah paid not , bj r.H common as looai discontent. We have, on this prinoiple, sacrificed thirty five hundred millions of dollars and three hundred thousand lives, only to bring the insurgent states mio just tnose "practical relations to i tie union ' whlon will enable us to aacrU fice thirty-five hundred millions of dollars more, and ' three , hundred thousand more lives, when it suits the passions and caprices of these 'States to rebel again. Whatever they may do in the way of disturbing the peace ef the oonnlry, they can never, it seems, forfeit thelf rights arid 'privileges under the Constitution.. Even r if 'evry-body was positively certain that there would b a new rebellion In ten years, unless conditions of representation were exacted of the Bomb, we still, accord ine' to' the doctrine of tbe Johnsonian jurists, would be constitutionally impotent to exaol them, be cause insurgent states recover unconditioned right to representation by thd mere fact of their submitting to the power they can no longer resist. The acceptance of this prinoiple would make insurrection the chronic disease of our political system. War would follow war, until nearly all the wealth oi ine nountry was squandered, arid nearly all the inhabitants exterminated, ' Mr. Johnson's prophetic vision of that Paradise of constitutionalism, shadowed forth in his exolamation thaf 'he would stand by: the Constitution though all around him should perish, would be measurably milled; and among the ruing of the nation a few ragged pedants would be left to drone out enlogiet on "the glorious Constitution'' which, had survived unharmed the anarchy, poverty and depopulation it bad produced. An interpretation of the Constitution which thus make It the shield of treason' and the .destroyer of Civilization must be false both to f isoi ana sense, ine iramers or that Instrq menrwere not Idiolsii vet idiotd in.V'AHi certainly have been If they had put Intp It i.;oiU;:s; V, i'tiB. JOJ ;(,!?-. MJBU a clause declaring "that no State, or com- Dtnation or States, which may at any time choose to get up an armed attempt lo overthrow the Government established by this Constitution, and be defeated in the attempt, shall forfeit any of the privileges granted by this instrument to the loyal States." But an interpretation of .he Constitution which oan be conceived of as forming a possible part of it only by impeaching the sanity cf ite framers, cannot be,n interpretation whioh the American people are -morally bound to risk ruin to support. . But even if we should be wild enough lo admit the Johnsonian prinoiple respecting insurgent States, the question oomes up s to the identity of the States now demanding representation with tbe States whose rights of representation are affirmed lo have brea only suspended during their re bellion. The faot would seem to be that these reconstructed States are merely the creauous or tne executive branch of the UOYernment, with every organio bond bona leeely cut whioh connected them with the old State governments and constitutions. They have only the names of the Btates they preienaea to m. Berore the rebellion they had a legal people; when Mr. JohnBon took hold of them they had nothing but a disor ganized population. Uat or this population he by his own will created a people. On the principle, we must suppose, of natural e- eouon. mow, to decide who are the people, of a State is to create its very foundations to begin anew in the most ootnpre hens,ive sense of the world; for the being oi a State is more in its people, that, is, in the persons selected from its Inhabitants to be the depositaries of its political power, than it ie in its geographical boundaries and area. Over this people thus constituted by himself, Mr. Johnson set provisional Governors nominated by himself. These Governors called popular conventions, whose members were elected by the votes cf those to whom Mr. Johnson had given the right of suffrage; and these conventions proceeded to do what Mr. Johnson dio ated. Every where Mr. Johnson; nowhere the assumed 'rights of the Stated North Carolina, was one of these . creations; and North Carolina, through the lips of its chief Justice, bar already decided that Mr, John son was an unauthorizjd Intruder, and hie work a nullity, and even Mr. Johnson's "people" of North Carolina have rejected the constitution framed by. Mr. Johnson's convention. . Oiher rebel communities will doubtless repudiate his work, as soon as they can dispense with hie assistance. But whatever may be theoondition of theBe new Johnsonian States, they are certainly not States which can "reoover" rights which existed previous to , their creation. The aate or their birth is to be reckoned, not from any year previous to the rebellion, but from the year whioh followed its suppres sion. 1 It may, in old times, have been a polilio triok of shrewd politicians to ins volve the foundations of States in the mists ota mythical antiquity; but we happily live in an historical period, and there is something peculiarliarly stupid or peculiarly impudent In tbe attempt of the publicists of the Philadelphia Convention to ignore the origins of political societies for which, after tbey have obtained a certain degree of or ganisation, they claim such eminent tradi tional rights and privileges. Respectable as these States may be as infant phenomena, it will not da to Methustlahae them too recklessly, or assert their equality in muscle and brawn with giants full grown. Jt is evident, from the nature of tbe case, that Mr. Johnedn's labors were purelv ex perimental and provisional, snd needed the endorsement of Congress to be of any force. The only department of the eovtrnment constitutionally capable to admit new States or reinnabliiralo insurgent ones is the legislative. When the Executive not only took the initiative in reconstruction, but assumed to have completed it; but when he presented hi States to Congress as the equals of the States represented in that body; when he asserted that the delegates from his States should have the right of sitting and voting in the . legislature whose "business it was to decide on their right to admission; when, iu snort, ne uemanaea that criminals at tbe bar should have a seat on the benob. and amequal voioe with the judges, in decidiug on their own case, the effrontery or Executive pretensions went beyond all bounds of Congressional endurance. The real difference at first was not on the question of imposing ' conditions for the President 'had notoriously imposed them himself but on the question whether or not additional conditions. were necessary to secure the pnblio safety. The President, wun tnat laciltty "in turning his back on himself which all other leeical evmnasta boldly took the ground, that, being satisfied naa pronounced an impossible feat, then with the conditions he had himself exacted, tne exaction ot conditions was unconstitutional. To sustain this ourious proposition he adduoed no. .constitutional arguments. but he left vans copies of the Constitution in each of the crowds he recently addressed, with the trust, we suppose, that somebody might be fortunate enough to find in that instrument the clause whioh sup ported his theory. Mr. Johnson, however, though the moBt consequential of individuals, is the most inconsequential of reason-ers ; every proposition whioh is evident to himself he considers to .fulfill the definition of a self evident proposition ; but his supporters at Philadelphia must have known, that, in affirming that insurgent Slates recover their former rights by tbe faot of submission, they were arraigning the conduct or tneir leader who had notoriously violated those "rights." They took up his work at a certain stage, and then, with that as a basis, they affirmed a general proposition about insurgent States, which, had it been complied with by the President, would have left then no foundation at all; for the Slates about .whioh they so eliblv Leneralized would have had no show of organized govern ments. The premises of their argument were obtained by the violation of its con elusion ; they inferred from what wag a ne gation or their .-inference, and deduced from what was a death-blow to their de duction. It is easy enough to understand wbv the Johnson. Convention asserted tbe equality of the Johnson reconstruction of States with the Elates now represented in Congress. The object, was to give some appearance of legality to a contemplated aot of arbitrary power, and the priaeiple that insurgent States recover all their old rights by the aot of submission was invented in order to cover the case. Mr. Johnson now intends, by the admission of his partisians, to attempt a roup detat on the assembling of the Fortieth Congress, in ease seventy-one members of the Huase of Representatives, favor ame to . nis policy, are ohosen in the elec tions oi this autumn, from the twenty -six loyal States. These, with the fifty Sou hern delegates, would constitute a quorum of the nouse, ana tne remaining hundred and nineteen members are, in the .President's favorite phrase, "to be kicked out" from that "verge" of the Government on whioh ihey ..now . are said to be "haneine." The question, therefore, whether Congress, as it ie m present constituted, is a body constitutionally competent to legislate for the whole country, is the most, important of all practical questions. Let ns see how the case stands. :; The Constitution, ratified by the people of all the States, establishes a government of sovereign powers, supreme over the whole land, and the people of no Stale can rightly pass, from under its authority exoept by the consent ot the people-f all the States, with whom it is bound by the most solemn and binding of oontraots. The rebel State broke. in fuel, the. contract they could sot break in rtgru. Assembled in conventions of their people, they passed ordinances of secession, withdraw their Senators and Representatives from Congress, and began the war by assailing a fort of the United States. The secessionists had trusted to the silence of the Constitution in relation to the aot they performed. A State in Ihe American Union, as distinguished from a Territory, is constitutionally a part of-Out. Government to which it ewes allegiance; and the seceded Stales had refused to be parts of the Government, and had forsworn their allegiance. By the Cpnsiitntion, the United States, in case of ' domestic violence" in a State, is to interfere, t'on application of the Legialuljire, or of the Executive when the Legislature cannot be convened." But in this ease legislatures, executives, oonven-jjons of be. people, were all violators of the MOKMING COLUMBUS, OHIO, FRIDAY domestic peace, aad of course made no ap plication for interference. By the Consti tution, Congress is empowered to suppress insurrections, but this might be supposed to mean msurreotions like ehy a Rebellion iu Masa&obueetis and the Whisky Insurrection in Pennsylvania, and not to cover the action of States seceding from the Con gress whioh is thus empowered.. The se-ceders, therefore, felt somewhat as did the absconding James II. when he flung the Great Seal into the Thames and thought he bad slopped the machinery of the English Uovernment. " v ' Mr. Buchanan, then President of the Uni ted States, admitted at onoe that the secessionists bad done tbeir work in such a way that, though they had done wrong, tbe Gov eminent was powerless to compel (hem to do right. And bere tbe matter should have rested, if the government established by the Constitution was suoh a government as Mr. Johnson's supporters now deolare it to bs. if it ia impotent to prescribe -terms- ef peace in relation to insurgent states, it is oer- lainly impotent to make war on insurgent states. If insurgent States recover, their former constitutional rights in laying down their arms, then there was no criminality in heir taking them up; and if there- whs no criminality in their taking them up( then tbe United States was criminal in the war by which tbey were forced to lay them oown. un this theory we nave a govern ment incompetent to legislate for incut gont btates, because lacking" ifcelr represents lives, waging against them a cruel antl un- just war. , And this is the real theory Tf the defeated rebels and Copperheads who formed the great mass of the delegates to the John son Convention. Should they gat into power, they would feel themselves logically justified in annulling, not only all thej acts or tbe "itump Uongress since they submitted, but all the aots of the Rump Congresses during the time they had a Confederate Congress of their own. They deny that tnis is their intention; but what intention io fotego tbe exercise of an assumed light, neia oy those who are out cr power, can oe supposed capable of limiting their action when they are in? . ' ' I But if the United Slates is a government having legitimate rights of sovereignty con- rerred upon It by the people of all. the States, and if, consequently, the attempted secession of the people of one or mora fifates only makes them criminals, without impairing the sovereignty of the United States, then the government, with all its powers, remains with the representatives of! the loyal people. By the very nature of government as government, the rights jand privileges guaranteed to citizens are guaranteed to loyal oitizens; the rights and privileges guaranteed to States are guaranteed to loyal States; and loyal oitizens and loyal States are not such as profess a Will ingness to be loyal after having been utterly worsted in an enterprise : of gigantio disloyalty. The organic unity and continuity of the government would be broken bylthe return of disloyal citizens and rebel Stiles without their going through the proceed of being restored by the action of the government they had ' attempted to subvert; and the power to restore' carries with it he power to decide- on the terms of restoration. And wbeu we speak of the mvernment. we are not courtly enough to mean bythe-ex-pression simply its executive branoh. the question of admitting and implicitly of teetering States, and of deciding whether or not btates have a republican form of gov ernment, are matters left by the Constitution to the discretion' of Congress. Aej to the rebel States now olaiming representation, they have succumbed, thoroughly ex hausted, in one cf the costliest and bloodiest wars in the history of the world a wari which tasked the r. souroes ef the United j States more than they would have been tasked by a war with all tire mat Powrfrs of Europe combined a war wfiTofi, in 1862, had aseumed suoh proportions that the Supreme Court deoided that it gave the United States the same rights and privileges which tne uovernment might exercise la theroate of a national and foreign war.' The inhabi tants or the insurgent States beine ' thus judicially declared public enemies as well as rebels, there would seem to be no doubt at all that the victcWous close of actual hostilities could not deprive the Government of the power of deoiding on the terns of peaoe with public enemies. The Government of the United States found the insurgent States thoroughly revolutionized and disorganized, with no State governments that could be recognized without recognizing the validity of treason, and without the power of right to take even the ini tial steps for State reorganization. They were praotically out of tbe Union as States; their state governments had lapsed; tbeir population was composed of rebels and public enemies, by the decision of the Supreme Court. Under such circumstances, how the Commander-in-Chief, under , Congres, of the forces of the United State, could recreate these defunct Slates, and make it mandatory on Congress to receive their delegates, has always appeared, to us one of those mysteries of unreason whioh re quire faculties either above or below hu manity to accept. In addition to this fun damental objeot ion, there was the further one, that almoBt all of the delegates were rebels fresidentially pardoned into "loyal men," were eleoted with the idea of foioing Congress to repeal the test path, and were incapacitated to be legislators even if they had been sent from loyal States. The few who were loyal men In the sense that they had not served the rebel government, were still palpably elected by cpnstituents who had; and the charaoter of the constituency is as legitimate a subject of Congressional in quiry as the character of the representa tive. . It not being true, then, that the twenty- two hundred thousand loyal voters who placed Mr. Johnson In office, , and who he betrayed, have no meahB by their representatives in Congress to exert, a controlling power in the reconstruction of the rebel communities, the question oomea up as to the conditions wbioh Congress has imposed.; It always appeared to us that the true measure of conciliation, of security, of mercy, of justice, was one whioh would combine the principle of universal amnesty, or an am-; nesty nearly universal, with that of universal, or at least of impartial suffrage. In regard to amnesty, the " amend. ment to .the Constitution which Congress has passed disqualifies no rebels from vot ing, and only disqualifies them from holding office when they have happened to add per jury to treason. In regard to suffrage, it makes it for the poliiiual interest of the South to be just to ite colored citizens, by basing representation on voters, and not on population, and thus places the indulgence of class prejudices and hatreds under the penalty oi ;t corresponaing loss or political power in the Electoral College and the National House of Representatives. If the reoei mates snould be restored without this amendment becoming a part of the Conati tution, then the recent slave States will have thirty Presidential Electors and thirty members of the House cf Representatives in virtue ef a population they disfranchise, ana tne vote or a reoel white In South Carolina will carry with it more than- double tbe power of a foyaL white in Massachusetts or Oiiio. The only ground on whioh thi. disparity oan be defended Is, that as . ."one Southerner is more than a match for two Tankees," he has an inherent, continuous, unconditioned right, to have -this superiority recognized at the ballot-box:. Indeed, the injustice of this is so morstrous, that the Johnson orators find it more convenient to decry all conditions of representation than to meet the incontrovertible reasons for exacting the condition whloh bases representation on voters Not to make it a part of the Constitution would be, in Mr. Shellabarger's viyid illustration, to allow "that Lee's . vote should have double the elective power of Grant's; Semmes's double that of Farragut's; Booth' did h lie double tlat of Lincoln', Ait efettm It is Blso to be considered that thirty votes would,, in most all future sessions of Congress, decide the fate of the most im portant measures. In 1868 ihe Republicans, as Congress is now constituted, only had a majority of twenty votes. Is alli-anoe with the Northern Democratic nartv. the South with these thirty votes might repeal the civil rights bill, the "prinoiple of which it embodied in the proposed amendment ' It might assume the rebel debt, which is repudiated in that amendment. It might even repudiate the Federal debt; , Which is affirmed ia that amendment.- We MORNING, OCTOBER 2b7 1866. are so accustomed to look at the rebel debt as dead beyond all power of resurrection, as to forffet that it nioniinlu. wilh Ihn vein. ation of the emancipated slaves, to some tour muuaana minions o. a o liars, jr toe South and its Northern Democratic allies should come into power, there is a strong probability that a measure would be brought in to assume at least a portion of this debt -say two inousana millions, xse Southern members would be nearly a unit for as sumption, and the .Northern Democratic members would certainly be exposed to tbe most frightful temptation that legislators ever had (o resist. Suppose it were neces sary to buy fifty members at a million of dollars apiece, that sum would only be two 1 . 1 ! . .... . , win a nan percent, oi tne wnoie. suppose it Wera naftgHAnrv tn cmva thm Inn m'tllinnB apieoe, even that would only be a deductiou of twenty-five per cent, from a claim worth less without their votes. The bribery might be oonduoted in etch a way as to ITla.41irA wmiM AAf.lAir.lir Km i-iimnn rl nil .over the North as the grandest of all acts ot saitsmaniiKe "conciliation, binding the South to the Union iu . indissoluble bonds of interest The amendment renders the conversion of the rebel debt into the most enormous of all corruption funds an impossibility. " ' But the 'eharanlAr nnil nan.aativ il. amendment are too well understood to need explanation, enforcement or defense. If it, or0ome mora strirhrent onn. ha nni adnniofi the loyal people will be tricked out of the iuiuj oi we war -.iney nave waged at the expense of such unexampled sacrifices of reaeure and blood.' It never will be adopted unless it bs practically made a condition mi loBwimnuu pi me re Dei Btates; and for. the unconditional restoration of those States the Preitii -j - w aursv trusted supports, has indicated his inten tion- to venture a ecap a ctal. This threat has railed doubly of its purpose. The timid, Whom it WAS AxnAAlnH IA frifrhfan i haa simply scared into the reception of the idea '"' me oniy way to escape civil war is by the eleotinn nf Republican Representatives to the Fortieth 1 IFL. uugicro. iu courageous, wnom it was intended to dnfv. It ham into mora Strennnn offnrlo tirninar Ihn ln solent renegade who had the audael.y to in&ae it. everywhere in the loval States there is an unriainir nf iha nonnlc nnlv m. alleled bv the erand iinriaino of lSrtl Th President's plan of reconstruction having Ptwcu ii-oui a ponoy inio a conspiracy, nis chief supporters are now not so much his partisans as bin HcenmnHnAH- anil nnainai him and his accomplices the people will uin auiuuiu indignantly recora tne most overwhelming of verdicts. Harmonium Uteratnre. From ths Xenla Torchlight A "CfLtftlncrllA nf Ttarmnnia (VIIai." liaa been submitted .0 our inspection by a friend. it iears tne imprint 01 ijiviil Ualvert, Louisville, and looks well as to typography. , But where is Harmonia College? We quote from the 'Catalogue' verbatim, in the words and figures following, to-wit : "Russell vill". Putnam n.mnrir TnitianA ten miles west of Ladoga, nineteen miles -1 , . . . uunawflsi m urp.nnnanrip nnn tnnr un mil.. southeast of Crawfordsville accessible by railway 10 tne annA nnmaii mtiao frnm a1 parts of the United States is favored with .U- 1 - . T T - n mu luvtbiiou ui narmoma vouege. It WOlllrl Ha liifriciil! imnmu IK- an-. oinctness and directness of that unless the writer had had recourse to the original survey, Rnd given it by range, township, and section, with the bearings iu degrees and minutes. It is inferred that the survey was cot at hand. But no matter: the "favored'' snnt r.nnli) ISa fnn...l ,ln,.h less," by any intelligent youth who should strike out, provided with an ordinary pocket-oompass, from either of "the above named cities. 1 These "citi Am" nf Tii i$ 1 tLT. m. ara T.irli-.a Grefflttcaslle, and Crawfordsville. Whether or not an-or these "ottres" are moated in PutntUi county is no stated.. But this is stated : "Students anticipating arrival at any of the above named cities, admonishing Prof. Godbey by letter, will meet complementary conveyance at the point designated." And this brings us to Prof. Godbey. Who is he? He is described among the faculty as "Rev. W. B. Godbey. A. M., President and ProfeeBor of Collegiate Sciences and Greek Language." That is what he is. But what are "collegiate sciences?" They are high sciences, no doubt perhaps high-falutin. Yet, never mind that. As to Professor Gnilht-ir. hfwr,vnr iTiat-a very strong internal evidence that he is the author of this little book called a "(Via.. logue." We do not directly charge him with ivj um it, is a vTimi-raat case against mm 0 that mine enemy would wriia a. hnnb I " Prof. Godbey is not an enemy; and wo do not desire tomake him one by quoting from his book. But the book oontains qucatable things, and we propose for edification to exemplify by some of them how a "professor of collegiate sciences." jerks the English language. Immediately after nrnmiainir llinu "am dents anticipating arrival" a "complementary conveyance," whatever that may be, he lights out" and spreads wing in this . 1 . . BorvauiiDg viyie: "The mental and moral culture of youth is the highest boon within the oircumfreuca of parental ability and liberality." - ' ' We Would Snirffeat linrinhpr-v inalaa-l nf "circumference," in the above sentence. But Buiemniy aver mat tnose are tne exact Godbeyan words of this "Catalogue." And o are mete: "But the ffenial nnntinn nf inlAllonitii.1 culture will survive the shock of armies and the dissolutions of empires, and, if sanctioned by the grace of God, will brighten on I V. a X--ion fi.U. J I ..l:.-. ) .... u.uu u 0 1LI ui UUUT1UK ICllUllV. mi - 1 . ., . .. - .mina 01 "unouon, ay, "gonial unotion," .1 ti A Itlftfl nin. nf n.r.1 1 it wn mial.T.. ... v .-j v. nu.wu, UILDIK&O UOI, is something like ointment, think of this genial ointment' surviving such shocking things, and think of this same ointment, or salve, "brightening" on a field, a genial unotion, ointment, or salve, brightening on t iioiu.i . v ery oiiy, in xaot, toe lat or Ihe land. , But the "professor of eolleciate sciences " after several unctuous sentences like the toreeointr. proceeds to irlorirV his insiiin. tion in the following tall language: ''The method of instruction ia nnrnh - egetioal. Ample elucidation is cheerfully given,, and radical profundity assiduously sought after." '. Just so, Father Godbey. Seekafter "radical profundity," and elucidate the roots of things exegetioally. Dawn down on tbe depths amply, Father G. Alter tnat egregious exegesis of the character of I ho Harmonian modut doctndi, God bev throws himself into the m&criflAria.l plural and pronounces an opinion: "We are decidedly of the opinion that the young gentleman or lady aspirant to liter- arjr pruuuisiicy auu ousiness or professional usefulness nuinnl ml ?i tti Vir u I o a mnvA pioious future than to come to Harmonia nn if VUKCgtJ. Prof. Godbey 's opinion weighs witn us; and, convinced that it oan be done, we advise Harmonian adumbration, as above.. Gq in and adumbrate, and do it as much as possible with a "eenial unction." -ran 11 o youth. Or, as the Harmonian dominie goes en to express it, in his rip-snortiugly olass- ii uiuLion, '"Come rural hov. frnm thn di nfn.nl. tnnun tains and swamps. Come, preoocioua youth, cicumvented by the seductive and fearful temptations, inoident to oity life. Come, Sattle-flcared veteran, frnm thn crowned with perennial laurel of imperish- Only Observe what A thim-turina- ulin- nt adjectives is here. "Rural boy," the vocative case is solemnly put to the country. , iimani mountains and swamps, this Is faulty. "Di.i ant. There is probably nothing of that kind in or about Putnam county, Indiana. But "dis tant swamps t win hardly do, we should think. , Bwamos are nrnhalilv nni far. ). tant from any part of Indiana. We would tnereiore suggest the adjeotive atrabilious, or miasmatic, or something that way. Say, "Come, ural boy, from the distant moun tains at the atrabilious swamps." How would that do, Godbey? And "preoocioua" youth ie likewise appealed lo. Now, we are opposed to this item, . "We are decidedly of the opiniou" that It would be highly injurious to "adum brate juvenile precocity. If Godbey ia JOURNAI sists on this particular, why then we' "lock horns" with him, or, in Harmonian' language, ve interlink the cerebo-eorneoui appendages in militant protestation.! We stand eempiieraally hostile to the unctuous adumbr ttion of precocious adolescence. "Battle-sos rred veteran" is also mostcor-dial-y and most flatteringly invoked unto the great Harmmia 'Goryfield" is sooth- in; gly stated to him, and "perennial laurels," an.i i --iiuperisoauiy giory. ne Uo not See r it would be possible for him to rcsitt s bill of Darticulura. eatiBciallv th ho. tbi credited of "imperisbaAfy glory." "Battle-scarred veteran" must undoubtedly have been induced to "adumbrate." But if preadveni ure he has not been.' then let him stand ou; against the following patriotic appeal if he oan : "The champion of liberty, the victor of the country's enemies, return from your long expatriation, immure yourself in collegiate walls, and rejoin the militant host armed iigainet the two greatest enemies of humanity, ignorance and vioe. The college building is a beau'ifii! three story brick" bp. This shou'd fetch him.' Let him swing out on the a.iuble quick for "any of the above named cities," "admonishing Prof. Godbey" to meet him with "complementary conveyanoe at the toint designated." : Let him take two days' rations, and, as tha "Catalogue"! prescribes, "provide himself with towels." i "But a more important inducement in behalf of cur institution is the blissful absence of vloious temptations and abstractive facilities." ; This ti important. No "vicious temptations" at Russellville. Virtuous temptations in plenty, but none of the other sort. And no "abstractive facilities." A "blissful absenoe" of these latter artioles. Parents and guardians living among "abstractive facilities" should make a note of it that there is one plaoe where their children may he p n t-ir p v ATnmnt rVrvm .k i I i J ..GUI 1 j . - w.u nucofj mysterious and miserable commodities, j dui, jtaaoiug nom me literary to the "Harmonia Boarding Department," we find that . "Only two studei.ts are supposed to oo- oupy a room." Who it ia that cammifji himoAlf in ks- bold supposition, the "Catalogue" does not -I..IJ... a . i . ciumuaui. oupi'.osinir, mat more man two Xudents should ocrudv a roam, -what hp- cornea of the supposition then? 1 Among the "YoA!t.ifioj and RuHtutiotts," we find the following: "2 All damage of property "Voluntary effaoement 1st infraction, probation; 2d, expulsion. "Rupture of plastering Fine adequate to restitution." Nothing is said against defacement; Tbut for the "1st infraction" of "effaoement" the student is probated, and for the 2d ezpuUa-ted. This is probably just. But for "rap. ture of plasterinor" ne think Inn p ' 1 -HW .0 .UU heavy. If the student were muloted in a eum sufficient to ray for the trusxes it wnnM seem to be enough. let we do not make a point of this. We pass on. ; "Whitrlinir and unneas.cip.ft.-ir imnnvtftit.- m - J .jvimivu of soil Fine, $1 per infraction." j "importation of soil"! O Godbey, Godbey, oan such thinzs be? and at $1 "per infraction"? T But, to more of this. It suffioeth. There is much other Biich RnnncLlincr rhoin.;. ln ik. "Catalogue" before us; but we have riot . r i ... - mum lur lurmer quotations, it any of jur readers feel their annetilnn whmtA-l in it.- tidbits wc have placed before them, they may probably crovide tbemaBlvaa ith i.a "genial unction" of the entire "complement ary ieaai oy -aamonishlng frof. UodbeJ.'' Tbe SurtasTiTioN or tub Sailors. The New York World, in giving an account !of the death of John Vaw Bureh. on the steamer Scotia, relates this little inoident as illustrating the superstition of sailors. It says : j ' The weather, almost immpfHaulir -?i Mr. Van Buren's death, became tremendously stormv. The Sontia OTfLA inal pail I r, a into the gale then raging along our eastern coast. The coincidence of Mr. V un Rtir-An'p death with the occurrence, nf iha hnrri..r.. had an effect upon the minds of some of trie workiag seamen, whioh, though not novel, uousiuering tneir superstitious tendencies, is interesting lo relata in reference to th present occasion. They esteemed it very bad luck to keep the body on board, without instantly committing it to the deep, and were chagrined at the noble resolve of Commodore Judkins to bear Ihe remains t our shore for interment. They TeniinalAii iis sea burial. It was Tpfnnpit s,iii ih. storm continued, and the seamen considr ered the unconscious corpse a Jonah inj tneir miast. instated that a movement was frustrated hv Hi . , ,. u IU U lilt. J had covertly considered, if not determined! wi cui wo rupee mat neia tne coat on the port side, in which tbe coffined remains had bem placed. Tha conduct of the offloers of the Sootla. in these fiirAlim itnnnpa will be duly appreciated by the thousands toj whom the regular interment of the body of Mr. Van Bnren among the soenes and asso- uiauouB oi nis nome, is in no smoll degree the mitigation of ihe personal sorrow occasioned by his uuliraely loss. BusiKRRH nr.AnaiZB trt P.wMv.un rrt : ' - uikihajtu Aio writer of an inlArppiitifT pItai- .i n r- . - r- ".ti.il v, -j cu, ic a call OQV iu the National Ininlli vanAa ao nn T have said above that Mr. Peabody was not iicuuci are tne rtOmBCnilaS or Barings, or Brown, Shipley & Co. Those only are bankers in Great Britain who are authorized bv law P mm I Via KatiV tt land the greatest monetary establishment tn ilia .1 .1 . .i . - - . . . """i uuiyu tiuuugu Jones, .Ltoya s, Co.. Smith. Pavnt & Cn H an IT OW Jb Pa Ran. clay, Bevin & Co., and a score of 'other i-lucb uiubbio iu tne nnanciat world, no one oan exreiee the craft without the sanotion of an aot of Parliament, 'he names first mentioned, Rotohsohild, and others, -are those of merohants, wbo deal in bills of exchange, loans, sleeks, bill of lading, cargoes, and invoices of iV. siini. -. r .i.. world In English p-.rlance, the banker, merohant, brewer, m-nufaoturer, ware houseman, (equivalent ts our wholesale merchant) jobber and tradesman, constitute the umuiiioo uitii, inn me order in which they are named thru-hnoinpoo -.,v Tha brewers take third rank, because the great brewers have fora huodred years been possessed of prinoely fortunes. So ano:ent and u" oescations, that our entirely chan produotive of no eo J ;f miaanderatandiiiffs nn tlia ticul nf V 1J1 iuc t r'- vx A.iigiiPUiiieil, Prnssian Wit. Thfiro 13 mnrA frntli ihnn (.TirjiTastnM in vivi ,'t.'vi J, - iuv VltUBUlVU etc , of the petty German States, which is ...... ..1 . , i r T -. iiuuiKicu ironi i u-Biua paper. Waldeok Two loaves of army hreail k. just been baked. Buekeburg drparal Fit.bog has been appointed second lieutenant. fjireina riity yarug of blue cloth have been bought to furnish ihe arm with a uniform. Hmbure There sealed proposals for a contraot to furnish three cavalry hoi sue. uremen A new ovr has been put on the ammunition wagon of the contingent. Coburir-Gotba A ion; haa han -ni nn the northeastern frontier. Altenburg A sack of sand has arrived to be used in fortiyiu the oistle. miaourgnausen A grindstone has just been purchased, Luebock The Radical GpiaHa v. a -p- ccived orders not to publish the strength of the army. Weimar A hussar has bnnn innm-Mo va.vvau.r equipped. Nassau There is a prcspeot for a loan of thirty-five florins, (fitteen dollars.) Heavy Tax Bit.t.m Tit ; a tu-i .o BUUVUUUSU IUBI a single firm in New i'ork who are well-known tobacconists, pay the Government internal revenue dniipp i.n.n iu-;. n. - -...wu, UJIUU LUL I JL JLUAUU- faotured tobacco, an average of seventy uoimrij a moutn, na tnat their 11 tire taXfiH. .nn.llrlint ItAanaB -J , v..Waue HVbUDVO, lUVUlUv UU other taxes, during the year, amount to oon- mom man 1 uuu.uuu. The well- auown nouse ot A. 1. r-lewi-i r. Na. York, besides over $400,000 inooma tnx. pays the Government millions of dollars annually in the shape of customs. London aenda mil-: ,a natr.-j i , wan auu nan uv postal dcavery on Sunday. NUMBER 8lh HOPE. BT VAH BDIM DKNSLOW. There't an angel iwoetl; aiogtog, a a evangel twiftly winging, Bvr cheering tiding. Dinging to my aad and wei- y oal, For ho comei to me all imiling. into Joy my heart negating; And tte heary home wbiling till thuy light j o'tr mo roll; Onidiug angel tf my tool ! By the atar-ray, evanescent, by the light of lninr creecent, With a passion adole.cent nhioh 1 would not s.t 1 control, I Wait her rtp advancing, at ths cornea with lute ana daccing, Whose aoiiTe as from the glancing eye that mate the lunar whole Hovering angel of my ton) I ; Often in the twilight vesper, when the loavei and ftowsrs llp her "' " - Same In lew and silvery whkptr, aa the night-winds o'er th- m atroil. Doth e' e find me eoiUd with care, anoint and wipe me with her hair, I ighten much tbe load I bear, and up nearer aaove my goa-; Bleeaed aogel of ni icnl I Thru ahe leads au aoftly onward, thna he poin sm only sunward. Seier lisps my angel ose worl aa et.e plnt ine rata e eeroll; I no qneetioa nilely auk her rhongh I love I moy not eiaap her, Shewoald fade It I wonld grup her, like the flow.r tnat roily stole, fade forever Irom my aonl. So eta woo. ma Into welting, with a p -Mlon an bating, Bat the happy hoar of mating, which I never may ooniroi. With the years mcvet onward slowly, till tuy earth ly virion lowly Bees io heaven the angel holy, that has eeemrd a pnantom goal, Come and wed la Joy my tonl. fron the Batoo Transcript AT LAST. Once more thy hard in mine. Forgotten now the yeara of fear and doubt That held my strargltng heart within, without; At length I claep the eigu Of life's moat narfiMt who'- Through coming time shall breathe but one ewaet BtriiH, "Never to part," Ita infinite retrain To bind 01 eonl to ecol. Ko language meet f find To tell the love-thonghte crowding tenia and light, And filling thie glad hour with pnfamed light, Joy leave all speech behind. For aye thy hand In mice. Ton silver track that on the water lies.-And links this lower world to starry ekiea ' ' With soft, yt bright, moonshine, . Is where thoa letdeit me. I co ild not reach ih3 hifh, pare heavens alone: 'tis this eweet hand most golds me safely on Across Time's fitful sea. O endlest bliss ia store, Thy yoara below, thy long abore to shairt! Love folds na close; and, chri.med with prayer, ; - Life glides tbroogta Bden'a door. . t. n. A PATINJ LPKATIC W A RAILWAY CAn-RIAOE. At Hanwell. Eneland. rpnAnllv ! Q young lady was put into a train alone to go uiuuua. as me train was on the point of starting a young gentleman got in. Shortly after ihe train bail atari. tha a tleman jumped up and exolaimed, "Tnis carriage is too neavy, it must be lightened," and Btraiirhtwav his carmtth&v rli out of the window. He. nita oilll a fa. nin. utes, when he begins again, and this time uis coat ana waisiooat-iouow nis bag. After a little whila hp aaiii iir. .. - uuw up upj for the Duke of Gloucester." Down thoy go on their knees, the poor girl only 17, too freightened to do anything but obey. When that was done, ihey nrmrp,l tnr tha Tint- a - 1 J X J - -" VUAC U York, and then for another in fact, through a waoiu siring oi auxes ; tben they sit down, the young lady freightened out of her senses. ' After a few minutes hebee-inn no-ain - "Ti won't do ; I can't stand it ; the train is too heavy, either you or I must get out ; I don't want to. BO vou must P-n." Thn n-irl in ila- pair, says, "But we have not prayed for the Tl 1 a xt ii i i t. . . . , vaw ui xiuriuumuenana. "AD, no more we have." Down they go on their knees. when luckily the train atnnnnil at a alalia.. and the young lady called a guard, when It was aieooverea mat tne gentleman was a lunatic esoaped from Hanwell. i 1 1 1 i i A CHAHOB roB. Smi.t. Snni.- Tha-A wpi reoently desorlbed in a paper read before the Royal Society of London a microsoope which exceeds what had been considered the utmost attainable limit of perfection in this instrument. It magnifies three thou- Hand diamntAra with lia l,i.l .....i... and fifteen thousand diameters wiih its highest, so that an objeot is made to aprear one billion five hundred and seventy-five mtllinn iimAn larcyAi. Ih&n 11 paallv fa Tki. affords an opportunity of inspecting the Bmaiiest or nnman souts. CLOTHING' Ready-Made Clothing ! WHOISSALBAND RETAIL, AKB rVIeroliant Tailor And Daalerjin; CLOTHS, CASSI MERES, i TWEEDS,; VE8TING8, AND tenis' Fnrnisb.ng tioods ioseph evHOERsinaifrER, 6 and 7 Hell House Bnildlnff, TAKES PI.K43UEB IN INFOBMIcJO EH OLE onstomars and the general noblic. that he has Jost returned from the Xastora cities with the larg pp. sou utjBk peiecieo hhick oi every apeonption la nis line oaiiauio lor ine aeasoo, emoraciog Frenob, English and Scotch Suitings, Fa . and Winter Overcoats, and Suits of Every Description, both Foreign and Domestic Ever offered in this or any other market. Oall aad see my goods berore buying elsewhere, and be cub-vlnoed that I have Ihe beet selected stock tn tbe market, and as cheap as any other hone dare sell. To those who have favoredme with their patronage in tne past, I am tuankfl, and oan now ante re then that I can sell them goods whioh will be earls-factory.The Merchant Tailoring drpartment is under tbe charge of Mr. E. P. T hatch, from Mew Fork, whe reputation for well-made garments needs no oommrat. A flue and fait assortment of Children's Clothing constantly on h-nt. aprgl fim HOTELS. LA PIERRE HOUSE, PHILADELPHIA. The Snbecrlbers having leased this favorite Hons, it has bees BEFITTED ASD REFURNISHED Ia au Elpgant Maoaer, and it sow prepared with tbe most perfect appointments for the recaption of Siesta, saw Tbe first posltiea among flrst-elase otels will be maintained in the fu tare as in the past, JnnlSaUQaov . BAKER A FABLEvTT WALNUT STREET HOUSE, CINCINNATI, OHIO. A Flrat-Clasa Hotel la Every Bespet awrBiLiA ntortjT.ui B. E. CBITTENDEN j, 00., ro tutors, soaaOSm TEBM8 OF SUCftCRlI'TlOlV TIBMS OF THI DAILT JOl aOAl, single Snbscrlbtri, I year, by mail, Single bobacribers, 6 months, Single Sabsoribera, moo the, " , oingie aaDsorioers, i mouta HliKte Subpcrilmr 1 mpnth. dpllvaran Single Hnbscribers. rter week, dnli-prad To Agente, in clnbs, lfi cents per wtwk each copy. TSJtaul or THI TKI-WEIKLT JOUUAL. r... 1 60 I months W t 8 montaa..... 1 Id 1 1 ""nth , a Trans or th waaitr jocsai- Single BHbacribeni, per ypar.. ,,,,, , , fa &Q CLOTH5NC. New Goods! New Goods! JUST RECEIVED AT 164 SOrTHt ITIOH STREET. liewEetail Clothings House, 0PK1IED BT e; :l MTEBBiNS, XOWNE tfc CO. I3lonciici a-oods - : . .. - - I .. . i ELEGANT STTLESr . .' - V r r ; i . 1 , - 5 Matched Catslmere 8nM, Matched Pants A Testa. A Variety of Beaver aad Caseimara oyBHooiiTa. Everything ia the way ef . : ;...'. ' - - Gents' Furnishing - Goods I ASSORTMENT OF HATS & CAM, 80METHING NEW & HOVEL, rommencing Mondaw,Oetbe$ 13, ISM ALU GOODS SOLD AT FBICE3 THAT DEFT Jompelltion. Perfect aatu-aetl an gnaranteed. Sow U tha tisae to buy yoor Olothiag and Famishing Goods, and the place . , t , 164 South High Street, Call and exam'ne oar Goods. AU art invited. STEBBnrs, TOWXE CO- ' Reiall ittore 164 Hoatn High street, . . W'smIs Store No. 1 6wnoe Block, if eeJ'T Colombo.. Ohio. crogers. McColm, Miles & McDonald 1 . i - l- Proprietors of .1- Columbus Powder , Magazine ! Aad Agents fcv sale of ' Pbipp's & Go.'s Ham 6 Also, Agent for KiSN ACO.'S OYSTEBJS, FRESH AND COTE. S. 124 SonthHIgn street ": iBl'66 dly 4 OIiTJSfBrS, OHIO. COMM.&SSON HOUSES HCMTlNQTOa ITrCB. anwABD Ai mcB. H- IT'itoli Ac aSoMi., FOBW1UD1SG, , " ion & Proiiice MerciaiitSi . CO MTJBI BCS OHIO. , " . . dcauus m . t Fhtit, Grain, gait, Cement, AND PEoDCCB OEJIBAla.T. BeetO-aHllty r Hot and rll Blast Fig Iron always a Baato . 8pocial Transfer & Shipping Agente Of THS O. O. O. S. B., Oencral Ohio and P. O. A O. B. B PBOFftlBTOBS 0V TBS Columbus, OMLliootli8 4; Portsmoutli Packet Company. And Scioto and Hooking Valley Express Frelfrnt Liae. ' AOKNTS 01 HOCKIXO VaU.1T 8ALT COatrAET Ft rrTrtrr A Rnw i tv. 1. . . . . n fh Freight, from all points on the Canal to . u i., mj auu, UA&n, Or OABAU wareMoutti, JSatt and Wett End of Scioto Bridge, foot of Broad BL . OFFICE, 87 HIST BKOAD sTBER. Janl'68 lyrd LIVE STOCK. L -AED- PETROLEUM EX CHAJN GE 1 I HATE OPENED A ' Ziivx: s t o o s . AHD . . .. , KTaOLHIi EXCHAHO PTHE 80D fH-WE8T OOBNEBOF THE POST Office baUdine. where I shall ha nln-a-a aa aa rotlate, noon reasonable terms, with all persons wbv desire te sell or porohaae Live etock, Baal Estat a retroieuDl Aiaaua, or UllBtOCKS. maviuntr ASRREW WIIAOF.Js- OHIO FUKNITUBE CO., , MASPFACTUBEBS OF. . 4 Cane aad Won A Seat ( hairs. MANUFACTORY: ' ts-y'i West at Caaal,. Senih ef Monnd Str . t WAREROOM& ' ' Ifos. C and 8 G Wynne Blaek, E. Town, St., nu nu.i4aerta jrAlgjaat., - Oolumbu,'C. c3m J. S. FOBD, Bup't. - MILLINERY- MBS A E. SOUDER. Wholesale Millinery; POSTOFFICE ABCADE. HATING HBrUBNED FitoV THE EAST with a very large aadfln e stock of MILLINERY, I am prepared to offer to tbe trade great lodnce--meats, as I have the largest aad fineit assortment ever brought to Oolnaiboa. : Also, a fine a amount at RetatL . Call and rx mine for yoaraMree. fcbl pod lv 1- CARRIAGE MAKi-R. B. B. F. BOOTH, CARRIAGE AND BUGGY ; MAK GRS, r . MSAr,.5SpioriMD- Prompt sttention paid to repairing. Corner of Gay snd Third B treats, , i ? JT anW dlv aM cTotttxpiip. 0,p .TOBACCONIST; t!i , H. B. HCIIIK, r -1 t aaoceaaor to A. Mardis. Wholeaala aad Betail ' Dealer ta TO B AC CO, ;T ' Olgsn, Meenohaosi snd Briar Boot Pipes, Tobacco Bags, Boxes, Ac., , Ho. 139 Boat a HiKta Street, jasltly (Next door to the 0" ......9 ft 4 60 - Z 20 0 60 II DA A