Daily Ohio State journal (Columbus, Ohio : 1848), 1860-08-24

              If $ 1 VOLUME XXIV. COLUMBUS. OHIO. FRIDAY MORNING, AUGUST, 24. 1SG0. NUMBER 99. V 1 (Ditto Jtatc gonrnal II PFBLIRHKR DAILT. TRI-WKKKLY AND WEEKLY, BT COOKK, IICJIITT . CO. Office. In Miller's Bitltilina;, No. Ill East Town street. Termi Invariably in Advance. Daily, $ 00 iwr year Ujr tha Carrior, per week, 1:454 ct. Tm-WitkLT, S 0" per V"". Wnrnv. - --'?'" RKMHOr DAIl! Airvbniiniau in Tniu One square 1 your, n Ona " 9 month, 18 00 One " moothi, IS (10 One iiiiaxo 3 weens, ft 00 One " S weeki, One " 1 week, One " 3 days, One " S days, 1 78 1 no 75 AO One S months, V 01) Ona " S monthi, 8 00 Ona 1 month. 5 00 One 1 lay Star For marriage notlcea 25 aenU, isviaiASLT i ad- AMCC. WKCKul AUVEKT1S1SU. Por Square, one Inter-lion .tl-OO Per Square, each week ln addition ... 60 Displayed AdTertiaementa half more than the above rate. Advertisements leaded and placed In the column of Bpe- lial Notlcea, donble the ordinary ralet. All notlcea rennired to be published by law, le-al ratea. If ordered on theinalde exclusively after the Brut week, 10 percent, more than the above ratea; bnt all aucb will appear In the Tri-Weekly wlthont charge. nnsiness Cards, not exceeding lire liaea, par year, iaelde, IU.SO; ontilde f 10. Noiicos of mooting, charitable societies, lire eompaniea, c., half price. All Trniuieit Artvertuementl mutt be paid in advance. This V fnle will not he varied from. , No A.lvertltement taken excel t for a dcflnlt period. COLUMBUS BUSINESS DIRECTORY. Ilarbern. VM. SCOTT BARBER, Would notlly hit nnmernm frlenile and ctntomcrs that he haa returned, and will hereafter be found at hia old taud under Martlit A Smith'a Bank, llifcb street. He aoliclta a return ot hia old customers. oct2 Clollilng. J, GOODMAN at. SON, Dealers In Ready and CiHtom.maJle Clothinir, Gent's Furnishing floods, Hata. Cant, Trunks, Valiaes, Ac, Ac. No. 1 South High St., corner of Broad. myi.'WI-dly E a ADAMS aTBWART. STIMSuM. STEWART !k- BTIMSON, Merchant Tailora, No. 1:18 Hiifh Street, opposite Ooodale House, Oolllin bin. Ohio, deal in beat grade of Cloths, Camimeros, and Vesting. Employ none but good workmen; Insnre good fits; do not disHipoiut In time; chi ;e fiiir prices, and require prompt pay. Bprl3,'no.apr2Hcdly Grocer. " V. A. EH,S, Wholesale and Retail Dealer In (ircoerlea and Produce, Southeast corner of Town and Fourth sts., Columbus, O. Particular attention paid to Consignments of. and orders for, Produce. myO'f.0.1 v-E A B Confectionery. O. H. I.ATIMKR, Ho. 43B South High St., bolvfen Rich and Friend, Baker, Dealer In Cakes, Crackers, Breads, Fresh Oysters. Fri its, Nuts, and Family Qrocerlea; also, Candiee aud choice Confectioneries. )''" ItanKH. BARTl.IT . SMITH, Bankers and dealers In Kxchance, Coin, and nncurrer.t money. Collections made on all principal clt.es In the United States. Amhoa Building, No. 73 South High frt miv'Mlv'r.n. A.n Coal, &c. R. E. CHAMPION, Dealer In Coal, Coke and Wood. Yard and Office, 2m North High street, near Railroad Pepot. Also, Jo. in South Third Street, nearly opposite Steam Fire Knylne House. Cnlnmbns. Ohio. no31 Welly Manufactures. CLKVBbAND brush compaky, Manufacturers of all kinds of Bristle or Hair Brushes, 7 Ohamplain street, next to Industrial School, Cleveland, Ohio. Brushes on hand mertotoorder. I . Pendleton, Manager. novla'oa.dly Watcues, Jewelry. R. D. DUNBAR, Watch Mnker and Kngraver, haa for sale Watches, Jewelry, Spectacles, Thermometers, etc. Agent, also, for -nlnnv bus and Franklin County Bible Society. No. 1.15 11 1 street, one door south of Qoodnlo House. pr2?,'"-dly-r.A ; Hardware. GKO. GERE A. CO., Gr.n.C.F.n. J.M. McCijks. K.T. Mirnorr. M II. Pl.Arr No. 8 (Iwvnne Rlork, sign of the Brnss backed Snw, hole, sale and Retail Dealers In all descriptions of Hardware, Cutlerv, Housebuilding and Housekeeping Oe.uls, Farming and Mechanical TooK Wood and Willow Ware, ( or- dage Twine, Paints, Oil", Varnishes. JanlK nO-dly Hook Rlnaiiif?. M. C. HLI.KV, Book-Binder, and Blank Book Mimufncturer, Blpli Street, laitween llroail and Gay Streots, Columbus, 0. maTH'BO-dly-E.A B. nry (aoods. FERSON, STONE &. CO., 'noleanle and H-tall Dealers In Foreign and Domestic HryOoods, No. 1 flwvnne Bbick. corner of Third and Town streets, Columbus, 0. aprtnai-BAB. Hoots and SIiocn. MA17I.DEN t CO., and Children's Boota, Shoes, uud Gaiters, No. 10 Town ft., Uolumuus. api -, uu-u . j - A. C. BF.TIIGB Boot and Shoe maker. French Boots and Shoes made to order. Rubber llia.ta aniisnooe new-aoiuu unu r ii.i .. Also, Rubber Soles put on leal her Hoots nml SIhh'S. ap.'W-!m-K A B. No. :I7 N. High St., Oiliimbna O. ItKllDVAL. DoTt.lt ft Co., Manufacturers nml W.inlesnle Dealers In llouts and Shoes, have removed to No. M Odemi Building, High St., opimsite the Stato House, ami kwp on hand a large stock of Fine aud Staple floods, to which thev invite the attention ol Mercnama anu urau-re. I.b27l , V."V1L,LII1KK. I(1I.K, DENTIST, nralin IV AMnns' HALT.. II I:II 8TRKKT. TKKTH J t extracted In a scleutillc manner, aud Sets fur- gj i,l.na l.At Mrn.nt.tl in nt,.MM. noVli'Ml 'r.T 7 ADAMS ek. FIELD, Lumber Merchants, Dealers In all kinds of Worked Flooring, Lunilwr, Lath and Shingles, corner of Spring and Water Sts., Columbus, Ohio. ct4 Rcstauranls. J. M. ZIGL.ER, Ice Cream Bullion. Neil'a New Building, corner Gay and High streets, Columbus, Ohio. Also Dealer in Con fections. Choice Liquors, and a variety of Fancy Notions and Tnys. invl-illy A B OHIO CULTIVATOR, Edited and Pnbllshul by Sullivan D. Harris, at Columbus Otiio, for One Dollar per year ar'i'l " miscellaneous. " EVE AN DEAR. Special attention given to dis jaws of tile Kya and Eir, surgical and medical. H. Z.O'll, M. D., tlcculist. No. 47, East State St., C'o'umbus, O. niayllt-dimi PHOTOGRAPHS. M. Witt, four doors north of the American Hotel, over Rudisill's Hat Store, makes Ilfe-ai7.cd Photographs, colored in OH and Pastell, as well as Daguerreotypes, Am brotypes, and all kinds of Sun Paintings. myVtio-dly-BA J. C. WOODS. Broad street, Columbus, 0., Agent for Chickcrlng Son.s Piano Fortes, Mason A Hamlin's Melodeoiiss, and dealer in Sheet Music and musical ntercbandUie. apai'no-dly-E.A.B. Attorneys. P. II. AND 1. A. WILCOX: Attornies at Law; corner of High and Broad streets. P. B. Wilcox gives particular attention o preparing written Opinions and Arguments uon Qiiestiuusol Law. my3-dfiui-BA P. A. H. SI.UK INS, Attorney at Law and Notary Public. Olflce No. 1 Odeon Hall, opposite the Ktate House, Colurubus, Oliio. marl-'lKI-dlv JAMES S. AUSTIN, Attorney at Law and Notary Public, Cnlumhns, Ohio. Office, Room No. 7 in Postoifice Building, on Statestreet. Special attention given to foreign collections. (decl2dly W.H. OENNISON dc II. B. CARRISGTOX, Attorneys and Counsellors at Law, Columbus, 0. Office, No. 1 and 2 Odeon Building. Special attention g'-en to the Law of FatonU and Insurance. air22 'tJOtlly-BAR Yale and Oxford Week Tics. ANEW ASSORTMENT OK THESE fiishlonahle Ties, also Marseille, and Linen Tie. in great variety, and much below usual prices, at BAIN'S, JiiSO First door Rorih of Neil nouse. O ATAR AOT HOUSE, Alt. Vernon, Ohio. WM. BERGIN, Jul-dtini Propbietob. 3IISCELLANE0US. Greeley's aplastic Hack and Centre SUSPENSION PANTS. rilRE RIGHT TO MAKE PANTS WITH L this improvement haa been ol-tained of the Patentee B. J. UKKKLKY, bv the sulxrriberti who alt) have for sale, and expect to keep on hand, GREELEY'S CELEBRATED BRACK SUSPENDERS, alike suitable for Gentlemen, Ladies, Boys and Misses. These Brace Suspenders are said to excel all ethers for ease, durability and cheapness, being a gentle braco fr the shoulders, and at the same time a most pleasant support for the PanU or Skirts. STEWART SE STiivrsoisr, Merchant Tailorp, 138 S. High St., Columbus. aprl3,'00-dly-aprt0c TREMONT HOUSE, Maasillon, Oliio, J. PENOYER PROPRIETOR. CnAROES BEABONABLK. JylOlm. Hoots, Shoes and Ilrogans! At Wholeiale by the Cate or Dozen, by JACOB BURNET, JR., No. 03 Pearl St., between Vine afc Race, Cinoimiati, O. FULL ASSORTMENT OF BOOTS, iV Sli.wsand llrogans, eHMc.iiilly a-laptiMl to the Western Rni.il Trade, alwavs on hand. Cash and prompt time buyers wilt find goods of the best quality, at the lowest Diarket prices. Cnh buvers are particularly Invited to examine the stock, as .iccisl Inducements will he offered to those who buy ash tn hanil. ParticuUr attention will bo given to tilling; casti order YOUTH'S. MtSSKS' AND CHILDKKN'S "TIPPED GOODS" ALWAYS ON HAND. ImarlO-'tiO-dnmE.A B Real Point Lace Collars. MALTESE LACE COLLAIIS IN NEW shsnes. llomiton Lam dollars. Linen and Pintle Traveller Sets. Frilled Muslin Sets. Muslin Collars, new shspes, Embroidered Trimmings, Vnlenclennea and Thread bSCeS, LOC9 1 IPCS, I'ino Apple, iieinitiiii, niiic.ii-o, ..- broidered and Mtiurnlng Handkerchiefs, Heatling, Blvlere-lug, Megio Ruffling Sleeve Blonds and Muslins, arttl all kinds of Lace and Embroidered Muslin (ioods in the greatest variety, just opviicd. r r. i r. n n r i , JnSO First door nttrtll of Neil House. It oc k eVT" n r ot ii e r& t w f q q , ma stir ati! am or SUPERIOR WOOD PUMPS, No. 225 Eist Friend streots, Cnlnmbns, Ohio, i r 1 t 1.. ..nllni, d..ttb nf ,,niers irtun ai.ii.ao (mpiiii'ii,, i.,,",, ..j o,..... ... well. Ri'.mKr.srl!. K. Ilailwlliler, H iker Armstrong, J. St ii. miller, ..luuntt-i "t iv.,,, uu'.u... Mity 7.1KU0. diim r.. a. o. FUEL F0RTH EST ATE. SEALED PROPOSALS WI'.L BE RECEIVED AT theotlice of the Secretary of Slate, until Monday, the 3d day of September next, at 12 o'clock M. for furnishing the State of Ohio with Fuel, aa follows : 30,000 Bushels Coke, to weigh not less than 40 ponnds to the bushel. 10,000 Bushels Coal, lo he of tho best nu-illty, equal at least to the lawer vein of Hocking Coal, anil free from slate, slack aud dirt. Tin find to bo delivered, without cliarite for snch dellv ery, at the Stnte House in Columbus. Proposals to ho accompanied by s imples, and to specify the kind, quality and price of the fuul proponed to bu lur-nislieil.Each contractor will bo required to give bonds, with approved security, In double the amount of the contract, conditioned for tile faithful performance of hia contract. The bids to be made and the contracts to be award, d in accordance with the teriml nf tho act entlt ad " An Act to providu tor the purchase of Stationery, Kind, and other articles, for the General Assembly and State Officers," passed M.irrh 11, 1H.V1. See Swan's Rev. Stat. 8i8 i C'urw. 2108. (Ed. 1HM.) Bids to be Indorsed on tho envelopes, "Proposal for Inr-nlsh'ng fuel for tho Slate." Fuel furnished by the contractor must In all rnses be eqnal in quality to the sample. Thu ruin trill br rigidly mjmccd, A. P. RUSSELL. ecroffry o tHatt. C ilumhus, Ohio, August 3, HMO-did DR. J. B. BE AUM AN , PENTAL SURGEON'. A I.l. THOSE FAVORING DR. B. WITH il their eouftdiuce may rely on having satisfaction giveu in all case.. All work warranted. Terms cnh. Office four doors north of the American Hotel, over ltudisel's Hat Store. jail I'lilM-JyU SE riCnI ICIIlV E IVO KK, NO. 216 EAST FR1.KNI) ST. Mrs. C. Bisbee, wilii two years exiwrience upon Wheeler , Wilson's Mucliine, is prepared to do all kinds of sew-Ing and stitching on tiio most reasonable terms. Please give iter a call. May 8, loiai. d:imE.A.B. western"1iotel7. l. o. r.is, PROPRIETOR, . GALI0X, OHIO. Jllio-da HENRY II. TAIT, FASIIIOXAftE KAKIIER Axn HAIR DRESSER, corner High and Town streets, Columbus, Ohio. Ta stands iiniuriiiMscd in coloring Hair and Whiskers. inaya'lilhlly-EAII Iiml) lor ijullt-s and Curtains. OL' .11 ME II aUIl.TS IS SEW STYLES, O Marseilles IJnilts for Beds, Cradles and Cribs. Plaid Swiss for Chamber Ciirtatni, Hordered Towels, 'fable Linens, V ine and Fruit Cloths, Napkins ami D'Oyli.-s, he.t-ings ami Sliirtings, Hnllnnds tor Curtains, Stair Coverings ami all kinds of Housekeeping Dry Ooods at the lowest pries, at BAIN'S, iu:l'J-myll-illyc First door north of Xeil House. H. Monrea, Carrlne Manufacturer, Corner Tltird ottd ltich Mtrrel4t RETURNS HIS THANKS FOR PAST favors, and solicits a continuance of the same. Persons wishing to purcliaso are ri-qnestd to call and examine my stock and prices, l'srvicular attention given to repairing. Tile attention of customers is invited to my Patent Soring handy -Wagons anil Buggies. Alt work warretiti d. II. MOORES. apr21-dly. Columbus, Ohio. T olin Hoiito fc Co., Manufacturers of Manilla, Cotton, Tarred and Hemp Rope, Cotton and Ilcm Packing, (Vtrds, Lines and Twine, in all thWr variety, and dealers in Oakum, Anchors, Blocks, Patent fcieine Twine, Main street, one door South of Front, rji3sroiNisrA.Ti, o. ma ' '.' 'iK.mK. . P. io lllxi s evt Cost tPPKARS TO BE VERY F.VSHIO.VA- V BI.K, it we are to jtidiro by the placards in the shop windows. Now we do not proiioee to sell our good at cost, but we do propose to sell many gool. at less prices than tln-v cost some otners ln ine traue. janladly GEO. GERE A CO McHENllY & CARSON, lli'i MAIN ST. CIMOISIMATI, OHIO. Mnnnfncturem and DcMlmntnGAS FIT-TVKKJt Onfl. Strum and Wutci I'ipr ; Cowl Oil Lumjm, Htii l'antou IluriirrK. N. B. Pure Iten.lomwl Coal Oil, at MmmfKcturerspriwr.. nirl2-'ii dtim-K.A.H. ISCOVERED AT LAST, THE CHART UK LIFK, nr The True Thry of Ht pitHluction at Plfwure, or Preventing it, acronliitu: to tlie Ksinbliphcd Lawn of Niitnre." Tlrw wantiiuscliil.lrfn,and ili inannt wUliinp ttini, will find tbH book to meet th-ir winhep exactly, tin rnvMHtinn n u-e. Perfectly henlthy in all re-lcrt. Sent to any iMrt of the .riifteJ Mates ou rccit SI. Dr. fHLVIN if nlr-o A (rent for Miriam D Croix'i Ke-mala Monthly Pilla. Ttu"e Pills urn invalnaMa hi oh trnctetl nnttss. Lnrijc alioull not wne tlora diirinjr preff-itapy, as iln-y will caino miwar ipe. iy-j per lwx fent to any p-trt of the country, by mail, on receipt of $2 Ailtlreeta or call on Ir. Culviu, 204 t'ina trt-vt, Cincinnat 0. ju.Votnj-od SINGER'S SEVING MACHINES! For Mnnnfartrtrliig Bind Fiimlly PnrposeB- All persons who nisy with to purchase SINGER'S IMPROVED SEWING MACHINES, are respectfully informed that they can order the sanie from the Cincinnati Agency, No. 8 East Fourth Street, Cincinnati, Ohio, at ew York prion, vu: Wnger's So. 1 Jfachil... . ?!o.nn Singer's No. Machine ltat.nn flnger'a Family Machines 5WS) JAMES' SKAR1M1N. Agent fur I. 11. blNCEB A 00. Jul d3m 0Jua gfak $jmml COLUMUUS: Friday Morning ... Auu it , I R60. The Dred 8eott Declalou, sind tho Power of Caugrsii orcr the TerrtturleB lcittr of the Hon. Kdwtril Arehbutd. , We preaent below the letter of the Hon. Ed ward Arch bold, of Monroe County, on the sub ject of the Dred Scott decision and the power of Congress in the territories, considered in I heir relations lo the past and present position of political parties. Mr. Arcuibold has been U Co-long Democrat j but the events at Charleston and Baltimore haying completod the final link In I lie chain of demonstration, showing Ibe utter subserviency of modern dcraocraoy to the slavery interest, he has deliberately abandoned the party that has abandoned its principles. . The letter eonlnios bis reasons fur having taken this step. They must be satisfactory to every intelligent and eandid reader. His argument embraces a consecutive statement of undeniable historical fuels with logical inferences, from which there is no escape. lie proves conclusively that the Dred Scott dogma of the Supreme Court is opposed lo the construction placed upon the constitution by the founders of the government, by tho early Judges of that court, and by ovcry administration and all parties, down to tho year 1807. As a historical nnd lentil production il is one of tho most complete and able that has ever been written upon Ibis subject, nnd we make no apology for devoting so large a share of our space to its publication. We bespeak fur it nn atlenlive perusal nut only by Republicans but by those Democrats who ure honestly seeking for the truth: WoousFiiun, August 15, 18(50. Dear Sib: In reply to yours I submit a few remarks. It is an observation of tho venerable author of the Olive Branch, that parties sometimes change their names, retaining their principles, but oftener ohnngo their principles retaining their names. When, uudcr the guidance of cunning and selfish leaders, 'a party wanders off after new nml wildeiing lights "a decent respoot for tlienpinions of mankind" will impel thoe who abide by its old landmarks, who love and cherish its time-honored principles, to oxplain why they persist in walking in the good old way, even nt the haiurd nf a painful separation. When all agitation of the slavery question had ceased, when the national mind wss slumbering in profound peaoe, in Jannary, 1854, a propagandist, pro slavery cru-sado, agaiust the rights, tho interest and the happiness of the Northern States, was onm-menoed in Congress by Southern politioians and their Northern, allies, and is still prosecuted with incredible vigor aud pertinacity. The nt-temnt in noraiatnnttv mmln bv overv hraneh nf , ... , j j j federal ffovfrnincnl. to donrivn the Northern neo- ple of all part or lut in the territories acquired by the eommon blood and common treasure, to degrndo us from our position, us coeqaal Statos of the Union, into that nf dishonored, communities of inferior rank and oivil condition, as compared with the Slave-Stales. Our free labor institutions are represented as so base and so unworthy as not to ho capable of admission into any portion of the national territories, even by consent of the States, ascertained in tho Senato, and by consent of the people, ascertained in tho House of Representatives. This it tho substance and essence of tho Drod Scott decision, which makes slavery the rule and freedom the exception, slavery national aud freedom sect ion ul. Since slavery has voluntarily and capriciously become so arrogant, aggressive and exorbitant in its demands upon us, it behooves us to know nnd consider what it is, though as citizens of Ohio we disclaim and disavow all right to interfere with tho domestic institution of the Souihoru States. The States, in their merely internal concerns, being foreign to each other. But in its imperious and domineering spjrit this baleful institutions has now assumed proportions of truly gigantic, national iiupoilauco. We have a right lu discuss the merits of nn institution which we are so imperiously required to foster, extend and porpntinto. Slavery is defineu by legal writers to bo that social condition, in which tho law is always against one person and never in his favor. This person is culled the slave. And always in fa-vui'ofauuthcrperson and ucverng tinst him. This latter person is called the master. The following is the first section of a slave-code: " lie it enacted by the Gtnernl Astcmbly, That no persons shall henceforth bo slaves in this Commonwealth, except such us were so, on the seventeenth day of October, in I lie year one thousand seven hundred aud eighty-fivu, uud the descendants of the females of them, nnd such persons nnd thoir descendants, being slaves, us since have been or hereafter mny be brought into this State, or held therein pursuant to law." Probably mostcf the slave codes of the Uuiou contain similar provisions. But they nil omit one Bed ion, which, lor the sake of consistency, should bo in words aud figures, as follows: "And be it further enacted, that till laws nf God and nature be, and they are hereby repealed."The Slave laws of Virginia received n practical construction in the ense of the Commonwealth against Richard Turner. That grisly individual was indicted iu the Superior Court of King George county, in that Stale, for that he, the said Richard Turner, his negro man slave, Emanuol, the property of him, said Richard, "Willi rods, whips and slicks, did wilfully and maliciously, violently, cruelly, immoderately and excessively, beat, scourge and whip." To Ibis iudielmeiil a demurrer was interposed, and Judge Brockeubrough adjourned the question fur decision, into the General Court, the highest Court of criminal jurisdiction in the State. There he argued against the demurrer, that the slave might be reduced to tiulimitedsub-jection to tho will of his master, by wbioii the whole object of the law of Slavery might be attained, by correction less atrocious nnd inhuman than that charged in the indictment. That as the law of nature forbids all violence indicted by oue man on another, that law, in ease of immoderate, excessive and cruel boating, whipping and scourging might be so far permitted to prevnil as to render the mastet liable, for the wanton, capricious and cruel excess. And he instanced some public exhibitions of wanton cruelty which hnd been repressed by law. But the oilier nine judges were unanimously in favor of sustaining the demurrer. They thought such inquisitions inconsistent wilh the rights of property, and inadmissible, as tending to control the citixen in his private affairs. Dade, Judge, delivered the opinion of the Court, iu part of which the following language occurs : "When the courts recognize the power to punish one who should take bia slave into the market place and there violently beat him, it is not because it was a slave, who was beaten, nor because the act was tinpruvoked or cruel, but because ij'Ko facto, it disturbed the harmony of society, was offensive to public decency nnd directly (ended to a breaoh of the pence. The same would have been the law if a horse bad been so beaten. And yet it would not be pre tended that it was in respect to the rights of (he horse or the feelings of humanity, that this interposition would take place." The defendant was discharged. See Fifth Randolph, 078. This was in 1827; the slave laws of Virginia have, since that lime, become in several respects more grim, more terrific. If we examine the practical workings of this system, we shall find il like all othr systems of aristocracy p-rfcclly compatible with preat wealth in the' uunds of a few nien; but more than any other system of aristocracy, attended wilh geuerul weakness, penury, indigence and adversity. Massachusetts, with a little less than eight thousand square miles of surface, has at this moment a grcaterwhite population, greater military strength, and, probably, very much greater opulence, than Virginia wilh a little less than sixty-four thousand A comparison of anr other free State with any other slave state will lead to the same result. So in Europe, the opulence of England, Holland, Belgium, is in signal contrast with the indigonoe of Turkey and other slave-labor countries. These considerations,until quite recently, made the Democratic parly reluctant to see this unhappy institution planted in the new territories of the Uuion. Nothing but tbe solheh cunning of unscrupulous leaders, backed by the terrors of rigid disoipline, could have made that party abandon its cherished principles and repudiate its recorded opinions on the subject. On th8th of January, 1849, the State Con-vention of the Democracy of Ohio, at Columbus, expressed the orthodox sentiments of the party in the following resolution: "Retolved, That the people of Ohio, now as Ihey always have done, look upon slavery as an evil and unfavorable to the development of the spirit and practical benefits of free institutions, and that entertaining these sentiments, they will nt all times feci it to be their duty lo use all power clearly given by the terms of the national compact, to mxvot its increase, to miti- CATK, AND FI.VALLY TO ERA IMC ATX THE EVU'" This is a strong declaration that some power on the subject was grauted to Congress by the terms of tbe Constitution, for if no power on the subject wasgrantod by that instrument, it would he mere folly Jo talk about employing power to prevent the increasa or provide for the mitigation or final eradication of the evil. The Convention contninetl many eminent lawyers, but was only speaking the traditionary and time-honored sentiments of the party, as derived from Jefferson, Madison, Mason, Patrick Henry and other eminent fathers of the Democratic faith. In 1850 the agitation on the subject of our immense conquests was happily terminated by the enaotmenw of that year. These enactments were accepted as a finality by the East, West, North and South. Indeed, it then seemed impossible for Ibo vexed question of slavery ever again to enter Congress, unless we chose to enter upon a career of wanton aggression and cor.quest upon our weaker Spanish-American neighbors. This was the view taken of the matter by the Democratic National Convention, at Baltimore, in lgal!. That body expressed the universal Democratic sentiment in the following language: "Retolved, That Ihe Democratio partjwill rksist all attempts at renewing in Congress or out of it, the agitation of the slavery question under whatover shape or color tho attempt may be made." Relying on the sanctity of this pledge, tho people of the United States delegated their political power to the party, who had, by means of it, won their confidence. Yet, early in the first session of the Congress firBt elcotud after tbe passage of this evor memorable resolution, Ibe people were startled as by a thunder-clap in a oletr sky, by the announcement that Stephen Arnold Douglas had inserted in his Nebraska bill a provision for tbe repeal of tho Missouri Compromise. This celebrated enaatmcnt, contained in tho eight section of the act of the sixth of March, 180, was the most venerable statute ever iuserled in the American Statute Book. Though in theory a mere aot of Congress, yet in popular estimation, it was as vpiiei-ttlde and nn aaorad as twi pa.vt of the Constitution, never to be touched by impious hands, never lo be repealed in any possible contingency. No man of mature age, can h.ivo entered society, cither North or South, without hearing these sentiments frequently and forcibly ox-pressed. It was, in fact , a olose copy of the arrangement for the division of territory, botween liberty nnd slavery, made thirty-one years earlier, by the first Congress, in the aot to revive nnd enforce the ordinance of 1787. But in Ihe last mentioned enaotmont, tho contract between the two was tacit and implied. It was well understood, though not expressed, that the cessions from Virginia were to bo devoted to liberty, those from North Carolina and Georgia to slavery. But in tho aot of the Ot h of March, 1820, the contract was express and founded upon a full, fair and valuable consideration. Tho National Treasury had been drained to make the purchases from Franoe and Spain ; yet up to that date nut one inch of our immense French and Spanish acquisitions hud been dedicated to freedom, while either previously to that contract, or by its terms, slavery obtained full pos-eeisiou of Florida, Louisiana, Misa6uri, Arkansas, nnd the Indian Territory west of Arkansas. The portion allotted to the frco Stales was extensive but euoitinhered with immense, barren deserts. Leaving the slaves out of view and considering the Aot of the Sixth of March, 1820 as an nrrnnginent between different portions nf ihe dominant race, that act was worthy of nil tho veneration with which it was so em inently regarded by tho people It was conceived iu the very spirit nf Justice, equality and fraternity and secured lasting peace and good will between two interests, which according to .Tinljjo Campbell, even at the formation of the Federal Constitution, threatened to be "antagonistic." We have said that this measure was a close copy of that of 1789, and itself formed the precedent for Ihe Texas Annexation resolutions of 184). And in all those cases,' the principle was ns productive, of harmony, kindness, and good feeling as Ihe still more ancient division of territory between Abraham and Lot. But if the natural feelings of kindness and consanguinity, between the people of the North and South, were allowed to flourish, tho trade of scores of remorseless Southern demagogues would he at an end. The enactments of 1820 and 1850 were alike compromises, that is Ihey were compacts and settlements, botween conflicting interests, not then, and it is hoped not now, rancorously inimical. The second would have been a strange measure of compromise if it had contained some latent principle which authorized one party to seize all that the other party bad obtained by Ihe first. Does any man believe that the compromise of 1800 oould have been enacted into law, if Southern members of Congress had then insisted on repealing that of 1820? Does not every man know that tbe arrangement of 1850 could not possibly have been adopted if such had been suspected to be the result. Two brothers have large possessoins which they agree to divide by a longitudinal line? Afterwards they make another large acquisition; but finding difliculty in the division, they agree to refer thematter lo third persons. Is not i lie one brother utterly treacherous nnd perfidious if he attompts to seize the shareof Iheother, under pretence that the principle of the second arrangement is different from that of the first, though perfectly compatible? If the defendant brother had suspected that the second airnnge-ment invalidated the first, it never would have secured his consent. Impressed with these sentiments the National Couvention of 1802 pledged the whole Democracy of the Union to resist all further attempts at the agitation of the slavery question, under whatever color or prktext the attempt might he made. As if to give maihe. matical demonstration of perfidy, the floodgates of si rite were re-opened and tbe agitation recommenced r jper a color, undir a flimsy pretkxt. The great Tien of 1850 did not understand their own biuiness. they had left Iheir work imperfect, aud it must be completed by Ihe pigmy politicians of 18,54. If the pure patriots aud great men who ell'ccied the arrangement of 18-jO, could have known what the Utile men were doing in 1854, their bones would have stirred in Iheir graves. No men in their lives manifested moio bean felt abhorrence of the repeal of the Missouri Compromise than the fathers and authors of the Compromise of 1850. The only plausible argument ever yet Advanced for the repeal of Ihe great peace measure of 1820, is that the Federal Government must be sublimely indifferent to Ihe prevalence of liberty or of I slavery, must act on the principle that both are ! alike laudable and worthy of encouragement. Suppose we grant it to be the duty of that Gov ernment to bs sublimely indifferent to national weal or national woe, to national strength or national weakness, to national opulenoe or national indigence, was not that duty of sublime indifference as well known and understood in 1852 as in 1854? What new light bad sprung np in the lapse of eighteen or nineteen months? What new argument had been discovered at the end of that period which was unknown at tbe beginning ? "Gentle Shepherd, tell me" which was an exceeding folly enacted at Baltimore in 1852, or a great erime committed at Washington in 1854. As to Stephen Arnold Douglas, if be foresaw all tbe baleful passions, engendered by his measure in the Union at" large, all the discord, hatred, malice, wrath, strife, revenge, all the burnings, lynehings, shootings, stabbings, rapes, robberies, murders and massacres in Kansas, where was his patriotism; if he did not where was his sagacity? He is now the object of unutterable odium nt tbe South, and woll he deserves it. By induoing tbe politioians of that scotion to keep rovic iaitii with tbe potent millions of the North, he has done both sections incalculable injury. If our national dissensions should unhappily terminate in an appeal to tbe sword, the perpiditt whioh dietated the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, may be regarded as the proximate oause of that oalamity. Tbe subscriber is not singular in this opinion. I call a Southern witness : 'It. would not be difficult to show that if the Union is now in any danger, it is from the fell spirit of sectional antagonism, which the Democratio party, more than any other, has roused by its injudicious measures, exciting faUe hopes of aggrandisement in tho ono section, nnd planting deep at the same time the seeds of resentment in Iheother." See National Intelligencer of August 4th, 1800. It may look like a digression, but I hazard the observation, that if any thing can kindle lively indignation in the broast of a judicious Northern citizen, it was the smallness of the prize for which Southern politicians resolved to break all faith with the North. It was simply for the chance of planting a few misorable crouching slaves amongst the. frosts and snows of Kansas and Nebraska, that those men resolved, in punio faith, toootnmence the horrible pro-slavery crusade, for it is nothing less, which has been carried on for the last six years. For this they resolved SB Stephens of Georgia says, "to quarrel with the North generally." Suppose the plot bnd succeeded. Suppose a few slaves planted there, would cane or cotton have flourished more luxurantly ? Yet for this small slake they have incurred in millions of minds, the indelible the perdurable odium of perpiuity. For this they have convinced millions of fellow-citizens that the spirit of slavery is so enterprising, so aggressive, so domineering, and above all, so perfidious, that no terms can be hopt with it, simply because ft will keep no terms. It was one of the cutting reproaches hurled by Maoaulay at the memory of Charles the First, that for "moneys numbered" the tyrant had assented to tho petition of right which be so soon and so signally violated. For "acres numbered" enough to form vast empires, Ihe Southern men in 1820 promised us these northern regions. In 1845 they affirmed the Bamo principles in the Texas annoxntion resolutions. In 1850 they concurred in disposing of our Mexican conquests, without demanding any overhauling of the arrangement of 1820. In the resolution above mentioned, they do-olared that they had all that they desired; that their almost, wishes had boon gratified, and henceforth they would resist nil further agitation of the slavery quoslion, either in or out of Congress!!! Was not this what the lawyers call an estoppel? Did it lay in their mouths to complain of Ilia state of things which existed when tho National Convention met at Baltimore in 1852? Yet in a few brief months they blew up a hurrioane of agitation, in oomparison with whioli nil former storms, all. former tempests, had been more May breezes. What excuse can be rendered for this perfidy? Southern rights ! What was known about Southern rights in 1854, that was not known in the summer of 1852, at tbe session of the Baltimore Convention? Are men compelled lo assert every disputable, pretonded right, however minute, nt the hazard of all consequences, however formidable? It is impossible to remember, without intense emotion, the mighty engine of peaco and fraternity which Mr. Douglas threw away when he resolved to violate the pledge against agitation, so solemnly given by the Baltimore Convention. Northern bauds were required lo open this l'an dora's box. At Ihe session immediately preceding the repeal, Atchison, of Missouri, nad expressed his dissatisfaction with I tie Missouri Compromise, but nt the same time exDressod the opiniou that its repeal was impossible. Soiitnern members would have been slow to introduce a measure so obioctionable. If any had introduced such a measure, or had even discovered an inclination to do so, this celebrated resolution, might have been used as a potent instrument of restraint and pacification Had Mr Douglas stood firm, had he performed his duty, there would have been at this moment, ns far as human sagacity can discern, no more strife, botween the Nnnhorn and Southern sections of the Union, than botween the Northern ami nuuiuuru acuiious oi uuio. liu I lie was approached by Atchison and other rutHuns and his virtue was of too frail n texture io resist the slightest temptation. Ihe proposition and the sediictioii'seem to hnvo been co-etnneotis. We proceed with our history of the Democratic platforms. In the Kansas and Nebraska bill, a delusive promise was held out, that the people of those territories, should be left "perfectly free lo form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only lo the Constitution of the Unitd Slates," aud in the platform of the Dgnooratio, National Covention at Cincinnati, the priuoiple of Popular Sovereignly, was endorsed in words, as expressive as our language affords. In the meantime, the Supreme Court of the United States had entered the politieal arena, in the Dred Scott case. A late elegant writer remarks that Leopold of Bavaria, "was a flaming missionary, with the powers of an absolute monarch." Bavaria, is not the only country that haa witnessed such sights. I hazard nothing iu predicting that the Dred Scott docision, will go down to posterity in company with the decision against John Hampden, in thematter ofthe ship-money, with the decisions in quo warranto, against all tho Whig cities, and boroughs in the time of James the Second, with the decisions iu favor of the power of that ignominous tyrant, to to dispense with acts of Parliament. A mere synopsis of the case, is all thui can be now given, it shall be fully disoupscd in future numbers. Dred Scott, an old Missouri negro, sued his master Dr. Sandford, of New York, for bis freedom, in the Circuit Court of Hie United, States for the Distriot of Missouri. The Circuit Court decided in favor of fhe capacity of tbe plaintiff lo sue, but gave judgment against the slave in favor of the master, for Ihe costs of suit. The case was taken by a writ of error the the Supreme Court of the United States. That Court decided that Dred Scott was inoompetent to appear as a plaintiff in any Court of the U. S.; and could have no bearing or standing room there. That all bis race were in the same condition ; not bciug part of the political family for whom the Constitution was made ; but being persons of African hlood, whose ancestors were brought into this country and sold as tilaves. That such persons are not citizens of any State, so as to be entiled to sue in the national oourts. That the plaintiff could derive no benefit, no title to freedom, from his enslavement in the sovereign Stato of Illinois, which was prior in time to hia enslavement in the territory covered by the Missouri compromise. And that the prohibition of slavery in that celebrated act, was unconstitutional, null and void; as the Constitution itself, by its own force, carried slavery into every portion of the national territory. And while they deny the power of Congress to forbid slavery in the territories, they actually scoff at and deride -the power of a territorial Legislature to accomplish the same object. A plain man may enquire why the court thought H necessary to dtoide a momentous, constitu tional question, after having deoided the plain tiff inoompetent to maintain a suit, as, after finding his incompetency, he must remain a slave, let Ihe decision of the constitutional question be either for or against the power of Congress. No answer ean be given to this question iaroraoie to the character or dignity of the Court. The judges appear before us under all the disadvangee of eager, willing witnesses, who are determined to bolt out their testimony, competent or incompetent, relevant or irrelevant. As the plaintiff was incapable of demanding anything, tbe defendant was not oalled on to deny anything; so that in fact the eourt hadno party before them, either plaintiff or defendant. They sinned against that primordial rule of judicial action : that oourts are to speak only in order to ascertain the right and determine the controversies of competent parties; and ne longer than neeessary to ascertain those rights and determine those controversies. The better this deoision is understood by im partial men, the less it will be respected. As a high-handed usurpation of politioal power it stands without a precedent, or rather its own bad precedent. From the first Dallas to the nineteenth Howard, many eases can be found in whioh the circuit court wrongfully aid erroneously assumed jurisdiction, but not not one in which the suwreme oonrt ever troubled itself with tnecase, further than to repel the assumption of the eirouit court, and send a mandate to that tribunal to dismiss from its docket. But be this as it may, the Dred Scott decision and the docrine of popuiar sovereignty, thus enacted in 1854, and thus endorsed in 1856, are as incompatible as death and life, darkness and light.. Yet the Northern wing of the Demooraoy at Baltimore, instead of ooming to the rescue, instead of defending their bantling from the deadly attacks of its judicial assailants, had nothing but peans of praise and gratitude in Iheir mouths for these political volunteers. In all lowliness, in all humility, in all self abnega tion, they " resolved that it is in accordance with the true interpretation of the Cincinnati platform; that during the existence of territorial government, the measure of restriction, whatever it may be, Imposed by the Federal Constitution on the powers of Ihe Territorial Legislature, over the subject of domestio relations; as the same has been, or shall hereafter be, finally determined by the Supreme Court of the United States, shiuldbe respected by all good oitizens, and enforced with promptnes and fidelity by every branch of the federal government," Perhnps here is the most eminent instanoe of plinnoy and rersatility anywhere on reoord. Oh! Vicar of Bray. Vioar of Bray give it up. Own yourself outdone. 'Till lately you were supposed to be tbe very prince of changelings, but you cannot competewith these men. How is it possible that the platforms of any two opposite faotions, the most hostile, could be more inconsistent, more contradictory, than the earlier and later confessions of faith thus adopted thus promulgated, and thus repudiated in a few brief years. If the mental stomach of any man can receive, believe and digest them all at ones, be has the maw of a cormorant. These men "palter with us in a double sense." They put out ca'echisms and platforms for the faithful, and afterwards discover hidden, unsnsoeated, oabalistio meanings in them. The Dred Scott decision, with its panslavism may be in accord ance villi the Cincinnati platform; but of tbe millions who read that performanoe, not one suspected anything of the kind. We all believed that the territories were, in fact, to be left perfectly free to form and regulate their own domestio institutions in their own way: subject only lo tbe Constitution of the United States. And this last clause we understood to impose a duty on the territories to redeliver fugitive slaves, or at furtuerost to abstain from legislation forbidden in the States. The Jewish Rabbins of the middle ages, in construing their Talmud nnd their Targum, often iouud a mysterious meaning packed away in the bend of a Kopli or a Lametb, or rfome other nondescript Hebrew letter. The artsot the thirteenth are outdone in tho nineteenth century How can we little men of the exoterio school know that we understand the present platform. How do wo know what interpretation will be placed upon it four years henoe ? Is it possible thnt politioal men are released from all obliga tions of oandor and sinoerity towards thoir fellow-men? Are they at perfect liberty to " form nnd regulate" their oatechisms aud their platforms, just as a juggler does his cups and bis balls ? And all for tbe propocation and ex tension of such an institution! Will men never learn that nothing morally wrong, can ever be truly expedient. It will not do for these men to say that no question of territorial legislative power was before the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case. Did they volunteer to submit so momentous a question to judges whose delicacy and discretion were insufficient to prevent them from bolting an opinion before hand. They had, in fact, as much jurisdiction over the question of Territorial as of Congressional power. They hnd no case, and noparties which gave them nny rightful jurisdicliun over cither question. Yet thoy look care to decide both. n hen John Hampden raised his regiment lo oppose that worthless and faithless tyrant, Charles the First, ho inscribed an his banners "No shadow of turning." Well, I know that my humble name will be subjected by the malignant spirit of persecution to the extremity of censure, obloquy and reproach. Consistently with my views of obligation and duty, I pau no more avoid such consequences, than a traveler on a wide waste can avoid the pcltings of the north-west snow storm. I cannot Bliift as these men shift, I cannot change as these men change. It is good that cunning and sordid politioal lenders, such as perfidiously commenoed tbe present pro-slavery crusade, should be taught to know that, when in pursuit of petty objects of selfish ngrandizement, their versatility becomes shameless, they will be forsaken by their followers. If these men, instead of elaborating eve-rythingodious, everything repulsive to tbe moral faculties, would allow those faculties some little gratification, instead of losing their old companions in arms they would gain new ones. They will yet discover that the moral faculties, though not so energetic as cool reason would demand, are yet a power in human affairs. What gratification can those faculties possibly derive from the Africaizatiou and enslavement of the North American continent? Mr. Douglas is now, or lately has been delivering orations through New England, on the evils of agitation, and the dangers of Congressional intervention. We have little sympathy with his efforts. It is as an agitator and interventionist that be is abhorred. He haa intervened and agitated until the scales are completely turned against freedom aud natural right." His popular sovereignty is now a thoroughly oue-sided affair. Tbe territories are at perfect liberty to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, provided they chonse to. plant, to uphold, and extend slavery. But according lo our political Supreme Court, if they choose Ihe opposite they have just exactly no liberty at all. Every implication is made in favor of elavory, nnd agaiust freedom. Every doubt is resolved in favor of slavery and against freedom. The free State dodge that is the liberty of making a free State if we can, out of a territory slocked wilh slaves aud overrun with slavery will be discarded as soon as tbe interests of slavery demand it. A new platform and a new interpretation will come out about that time. Then it will be discovered tbat men cannot arbitrarily and capriciously confiscate property, because they resolve lo change their form of government. Theso are poor specimens of Mr. Douglas' statesmanship. His efforts against agitation and intervention eome too late. We can never forget that wheu the ship of state was riding successfully over smooth seas, her canvass swelled with gentle breezes, this man and bis confederates deliberately seized the helm and headed her towards a rock-bound coast, where tempests ever howl and surges ever roar. The elements will not subside into ealm at his bidding. He is not in tbe remotest degree of kin to those spirits who ean "ride in the whirlwind and direct the storm." A few words to prevent misooastrnotion. Thongn oonvtneed of the constitutional power of Congress to legislate for the territories, yet ia principle, the irUrpoaitior of that bedy in territorial affairs ought to be confined within Tory narrow limits. In the early infancy of the territorial communities, while the inhabitants are too few and too widely scattered to be oapable of self support and self defenoe, the power of Congress is not only justified in prinoiple, bat is absolutely necessary in practice. Tbe son ia as fully entitled to happiness and safety as hit father, but if he if an infant of very tendor age he will be utterly unable to enforoe his rights. May not feeble and infantile eommaaitios be in the same situation? Let tbe Missouri Border Ruffians answer this question. They did answer it in 1856 with Bowie knife and revolver. A party whose prime dootrine is that "govern-menls derive their just powers from the eonsenl of the governed," will never push the power of Congress in the territories to any nnjust or tyrannical extent. Yt the main instrument employed by politieal jugglers and tricksters to make our doctrines unpopular, Is to compare Congressional legislation in the territories to Parliamentary legislation in the colonies. Borne of the J udges in the Dred Soott oase descend to the use of this artitioe. No two things could be less alike. The object of Parliament in legislating for the colonies, was lo raise by taxation, a revenne in America to fill the British exchequer. George the Third stimulated that body to tax tbe colonies, in order to raise fund to repair and enlarge his palaocs. of Hampton Court aud Windtor, and to extend and adorn his serpentine river. So far from attempting to draw money by taxation, from the territories into tbe national treasury, we propose to pay their expenses, while in a territorial condition, and of course will be very willing for them to assume in due time tbe burdens and responsibilities of Slate government. Yet to refuse power to a few hundred or a few thousand people, lo infeot the constitution of infant communities with the leprosy of slavery, is now represented as odious tyranny. To refuse to permit a few hundred persons to fasten upon sooiety the mill-stone weight of an irreversible institution, the establishment of whioh in a new oomnunity, implies the most intense, the most animal selfishness, is now represented as a lawless stretch of power. About the year 1803 the inhabitants of Indiana territory, then ooiaprising the present States of Indiana and Illinois, and amounting to a few thousand, pe-itionei Congress to repeal tho restriction and tiuffer them to import slaves. Amiable men ; they were anxious to handle the whip and the fetter. John Randolph, of Roanoke, ehairman nf the oommittee oa territories, administered a ntern rebuke, and Congress firmly refused. 0, what opulont millions now have reason to bless that refusal. Extremes meet. If anything ever was un-ilemooratio, anti-republioao, destrootive of popular rights, it is thus to permit a few men to I'orestall and fix the fate of posterity. Yet this is all to be done in the name of liberty f When Madam Roland cast np her eyes and saw the statue of Liberty near the soaffold, she exclaimed " Oh, Liberty, what orimss are committed in thy name I" Fear is sometimes expressed of the prestige of tbe Democratio party. Fear it not; when that prestige was acquired the distinguished men of the party were high priests at the altars of Liberty, stirring her saored fires and speaking words of high import and potent energy to move the human heart. The distinguished men of the party are now, mere servitors in Ihe black temple of slavery, emitting no sounds except low, sickening, sedative words ia favor of whips and soourges, chains and slave dungeons. If such men could succeed, we might exclaim with the dying patriot- on the field of Philippi, " 0 virtue I I have loved, I have worshipped thee, and thou art but aa empty name." The subscriber fSels reluotant to close this communication without addressing a few words to our Southern fellow-citizens, though withont much hopes that they will either hear or forbear. Southern politicians are prompt to tell Europe and tho civilized world that the mighty millions of the North take sides against the Southern people, and in favor of their bondmen. Disoretion demands that less should be said on the subject. If such is the fast, if the Northern millions really take sides with the slaves against their masters, Europe and the civilized world will believe that the masters ' are very much in the wrong. Not only consanguinity, but a thousand years of eommon history endear our Southern fellow-citizens to os of the North. Our common ancestors fought shoulder to shoulder on the bloody fields of Poictiers and Azinoour, as well as of Saratoga and Yorktown. A eommon religioa, language and literature strengthen the ties of consanguinity. Tbe strongest and most enduring feelings of our hearts disolnim and disavow all an-kiudness towards our Southern fellow-citisens. It is not ouly laudable for Southern men to keep peaoe with the North, but it is easy. It is true we regard thedemand of the entire national territories as an abiding place for slavery, as nrogant, exorbitant, and utterly inadmissible. Yet we harbor no designs against the interests, the happiness, orthehonbrofthe South. It is in vaiu to present us with the Dred Soott deoision. We regard that deoision itself as an enormous political crime. We regard it as offioious, voluntary, spontaneous. We regard it as machinery designedly fixed np by Southern politicians. In the minds of competent judges, the reverenoe and reaped expressed for that deoision, by Southern lawyers, is only produotive of irritation. It is an exceedingly difficult exercise of charity to believe such expressions unfeigned.Let the people, North nnd South, remember that this is a politicians' war, gotten np by men who are sporting with onr uneasy passions, just as a naturalist sports with tbe agonies of an unhappy little animal under an exhausted receiver. Tbe origin of this war is entirely historical. It commenced in the first week of January, 1854. Nothing but pitiable imbecility oould attribute to anything but unholy, selfish ambition, tbe perfidy whioh oommenccd the deplorable contest in spile of the pence pledges of the Baltimore convention of 1852. But little sagacity is required to predict that the violators of that pledge will, in point ef morals, take rank ia history along with Clifford, Ashley, Buckingham, Arlington and Lauderdale. Most respectfully, etc, EDWARD ARCHBOLD. IIo. Wm. T. Bascoh. SEWING MACHINES. Howe's Family and Manufacturing1 Sewln&r MarhlntpN. FOKdK H. WI, OAT'S AiKW ELLIPTIC 1 Lock htii'h Jwfviutc Mrichrne. Hviulshnw A J- hint-'irii lutpmvtri Shnttlf Mnrfcin. All fl.e mIkivp fimf r.wj .Sewing Mnrhina bt lh STATU CKNTK A L AU'KNCY, No. 117 High trwt. C-arpAter WHrr'i lllurb. IU;.)! A JnliiiftrnTu I1EMINO, FELLING, TPCK ING an.I SKM'INU iUA(.K for nil kind of tM-wii.ff Mnrhimtk Hi nn it HTfVrt nnd r.-nn Wt ftllitfon to the TSewing M-rliin er ir.vi-nted. No Mitch, ne iflcotnrilet without ou. It can be Mlicii to any Sewing Mar nine. Mrk. W. Y. KMttET, Afttit, Gaitrr Fitting nml all kiml of Sew ing rinne to crder. bMMl Cntttm, Twixt ami Neetlli-a fur tie wing Machine. oiard-'tit) LAND IX MISSOURI! Tftfl Atin acres koii sai.k in lJt,UWU Iw or aiaall trarta nl li',c to fiOo mt acr. Clinic farminr lamia at 37c xr acre, all expeiiiM inclmli'd. Nml fur Map ami artlciilara, inclon-inn rttamp. to tlio UV-tirii l.nn-1 Atfonry ttrnrn, (patab. Willed 18M;l of 8. E. Illl.nilOl'liH CO., North-Vt. at Ciirner of Tbiril and Cheatmt Street", t. Lonia, Mieaonri. Patents pectin d and Taxes paid fur non-reatdeDU. Land warrauta located, Ac. arrra to CIUS. K ERMI.F. K.q County ReeoHer, St. ton's county, or I'M A' EVERTS, q., Cashier of Mechanic Ilank, .St. I.iHiis, Miaaouri. ig2.dwly