Mt. Vernon Republican (Mount Vernon, Ohio : 1854), 1856-10-28

              yn T ' a 1 If . Oil VOL. II, MOUNT VERNON, OHIO, TUESDAY MORNING, OCT. 28, 1856. NO. 50 AO it'l l. HI h SHAM DEMOCRACY EXEMPLIFIED ma jl 3i3 aua etc? an : Hon. Benjamin F, Lciler of Ohio House of Itepresonttttivon Aug. 6, 1850. Mr. LEITER. I do not propose, Mr. ' Chairman, to enter elaborately into the dis-" cussion of tho question of Slavery to-night. My purpose is to define the position of the Democratic parly of the North, in its days :,of triumph, in connection with this question. I, sir, have been either fortunate or Unfortunate in being associated with that party until withiu a very few years ;-ever since I have been a voter, and always took an active part in procuring the success of its principles. I acted with that party, because it was a party which profes-eed a regard for correct principles, and the advancement of Freedom and free institutions, not only here, but throughout the Whole civilized world. ' I acted with it, sir, until I found that it liad repudiated every princrple which was professed by it, and abandoned every salu tary measure it had ever proposed, in the region ot country wnere i iiveu, ana wnicn , t ..t " ..i emoracea Wimin us uiiuounueu nuei en- lartred philanthropy the whole Christian ' world. Why, sir, we, as Democrats, never could declare 6trongly enough in favor of the universal emancipation of all men who were held in Shivery. We traveled off into Germiny, into Austria, into France, in-Ireland, into Mexico. All God's creation was too small for us, our philanthrophy was unbounded. But we had no disposition to interfere with Slavery in the States where Negro Slavery was tolerated. And yet, before I take my seat, I undertake to show that no party in this country ever declared so emphatically, and in such 6trong language, against tho institution of Slavery, as did tho Democratic party, at the time when I acted with it, and subsequently so wantonly abandoned its principles and professions. What they intend to do hereafter, I cannot say. There is no telling what they mean to do; for to-day we find this same party declaring in one place in favor of the Cincinnati platform, which contemplates the enslavement of Kansas.and in anotherplac we find them declaring, that if they elect their candidate for 1 resident, it will nn doubtedly secure tho freedom of Kansas They have been playing this game of "fast and loose, " anu i intcnu to-night to arraign them on a charge of attempting to elect their candidate for President under false pretences. I intend to try them; I mean to convict them; then I shall senler.co them; and when November comes, I will assist in executing them. Their condemnation is now written upon tho hearts of millions of freemen of the North, who have with shame been looking upon the black picture their conduct presents. Their con demnation is full, just, perfect, and over whelming; and, more than all, richly deser red. Their frauds upon the pecple have been exposed, their deceit has been devl-oped; and now they stand only as monu ments of the scorn ana contempt oi an outraged and indignant people, to admonish all political transgressors and covenant breakers, that "the way of tho transgressor is hard." Now, sir, what has been the position of the Democrats party in regard to this question of Slavery? Permit tne to direct your attention for a few moments to the campaign of 1C5G, and to some of the party doctrines which were then issued, in showing the position of the party at that time upon this subject, when we had published throughout the Northwest to show his soundness upon this question the speech of Franklin Pierce, made in New Hampshire, with the Now Hampshire Patriot to back it. It showed that ho abhorred the institution of Slavery as much as it was possible for a man to abhor any wicked thing; that he regarded it as an accursed institution, and so his party at the North .then regarded it. I will not quote the language of this high functionary on that occasion, in favor of the position I have taker. T do not think his endorsment would help me much. Laughter. Now, sir, I propose to look at the con dition of the country before the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and, like the gentleman from Kentucky, Mr. Underwood, show where the country was in regard to this question of Slavery. Sir, tho agitation of Slavery did not commence in 1845, as stated by that gentleman. At that lime, with these Democratic precedents, with this condition of the Democratic party at the North, we were opposed to all agitation of the subject; we bandied round, as far as possible suppressed all agitation of the subject. It was necessary to keep the party together, and we all knew it, and acted ac cordingly. When the Slavery aeilation commenced. in 1 847-8, after we had acquired this immense empire of New Mexico, California and Utah, then we found coming upon us the Wilmot Proviso. Well, what did we as Democrats dot We had but one thinir o an. iua wnoie sentiment of the country in the Northwest was in one directum and there Was no dodging the question; we had to speak out. Sir, the Democratic party of the Worth did speak out upon that subject. I have before me the resolutions of' the Legislatures of thirteen States, in 1847-'8, in favor of the Wilmot Proviso. A MEMBER. Democratic resolutions? Mr. LEITER. Yes, sir, they are Dem-octatio resolutions. I presume gentlemen will boldly deny the Democratic authority of the resolutions passed by the Legislature of Pennsylvania, where that party had a large majority, and, out of ono hundred and thirty-three members, but two or three, I BcTieve, toted against the resolution. I hare before me the resolution of New York, which I wil! read: "Resolution of Vew York, February 6, 1847.i- - -' '! ".Resolved That if any territory is hereafter acquired by the United Statos, or annexed thereto, the act by which said terri-, toff, is Required Of annexed, whatever such act maV be; should, contain an unalterable, fundamental article, or provision, whorcby slavery or involuntary servitude, except as punishment for crime, shall bo forever excluded from the territory acquired or annexed."This, sir, is a Democratic resolution.and as such I endorse it. Now, sir, I will rend tho resolution of tho Legislature of Pennsylvania, referred to, Febiuary C, 1847 : "Resolved, That our Senators and Representatives in Congress be requested to vote against any measure whatever, by which territory will nccruo to the Union, unless, as a part of the fundamental law upon which any contract or treaty for this purpose is based, slavery or involuntary servitude, except for crime shall be forever prohibited." I his, too, sir, I claim as a Democratic resolution, and fully endorse it. If I am not much mistaken, it expressed the Demo cratic sentiment of the North at that time, and it now expresses the true Democratic sentiment of that region. Now, sir, I will make Ohio speak upon this question, with her two millions of free men, as the first-born under the ordinance of 1787. Her Legislature, of the 15th of tebruary, 1047, passed the following resolutions : "Resolved, That the Senatois and Rep resentatives from this State, in the Congress of the United States, be, nnd are hereby, respectfully requested to procure tho pas-snge of measures in that body providing for the exclusion of slavery from the Territory of Oregon, and also from any other territory that now is or hereafter may be annexed to the United States," "Resolved, by the general Assembly of the Stato of Ohio, (May 3, 1848.) That the provisions of the Ordinance of Congress of ono thousand seven hundred and eighty-seven, so far as the same relates to slavery, should be extended to any territory that may be acquired from Mexico, by treaty or otherwise." These resolutions, sir, then expressed the sentiments of the people of tho creat State of Ohio the Empire State of the North West. They now express the sentiments of all her people, except a lew post masters, political paupers, and dependants upon this Administration, who arc howling for their bread and butter. She, sir, has a population, that for intelligence and pa triotism cannot be surpassed, if equaled, by any btate in tins Union, ller voice is for Freedom, Free Soil, and Free men and it will be heard in hie time. Now, sir, let Michigan speak, through her Democratic resolution, parsed March 7, 1847: "Resolved, that in the acquisition of new territory, whether by purchase, conquest, or othcrwiao, we deem it tho duly ot the General Government to extend over the same tho Ordinance of 1787,(being tho one prohibiting slavery northwest of the Ohio,) with all its rights an privileges, conditions, and immunities." She, too, speaks for Free Soil and Free men, nnd joins hr.nds with the State of Maine for Freedom. Her resolutions are Democratic and explicit. Hear them; "Resolved, That tho sentiment of this Stato is profound, sincere, and almost uni versal, that the influence of slavery upon productive energy is like tho blight of mildew; that it is a moral nnd social evil; that it does violence to the rights of man, as a thinking, reasonable, and responsible being Influenced by such considerations, this State will oppose tho introduction of slavery into any territory which may bo acquired as an indemnity lor claims upon Mexico. "Resolved, .That in the acquisition of any free territory, whether by purchase or otherwise, wo deem it the duty of the Gen eral Government to extend over the same the Ordinance of seventeen hundred nnd eighty-seven, with all its rights and privl leges, conditions and immunities." These resolutions, sir, cannot be misun dcrstood. I leave them without comment, as the voice of Maine. Now, sir, I will give you the sentiments ot the people of the "old Granite State,' tho home of the President. Febuary 19, 1U47: ' Resolved, That the Senators nnd Rep resentatives in Congress from this State bo respectfully requested to urco the passage of measures for the extinction of Slavery in the districtpf Columbia, for its exclusion from Oregon and other Territories that now or nt any time hereafter' may belong to tne united btates, ror all constitutional measures for the suppression of the domes tic slave trade, and to resist tho admission of any new State into the Union while tol erating Slavery." mi - . ..,. .. ino sentiments oi mis resolution are strictly Democrtitic, and the whole Dcmoc racy of the North then endorsed them as such. The people of Connecticut, by their Leg- lslature, on the 9th day of December, 1B47, expressed truly Democratic senti ments in the passage of the following reso lution: "Resolved, That if any territory shall hereafter be acquired by the Unitcd'Sta!e, or annexed thereto, the act by which such territory is acquired or annexed, whatever such act may be, should contain an unal terable fundamental article or provision. whereby Slavery or involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime shall be lorever excluded from the territory acquired or annexed." This resolution was at the time esteemed as sound Democracy, and I now so regard it. ( The Legislature of the .Stale of Indiana, in 1848, passed the following resolution: "Be it resolved by the General Assembly of the State of Indiana, That our Senators bo instructed, an J our Representatives in Congress be requested so to cast their rotes and extend their influence to have engrafted upon any law that may be passod for the organisation of territory recently acquired from Mexico, provision forever excluding from suoh territory Slavery and involuntary servitude, otherwise than in the punishment for crimes whereof the party has been duly convicted." , And, sir,, to show that this resolution was. Democratic, I now refer to the follow ing resolutions of the Democratic folate Con 'vention of that State, on the Olh of Janu'a ry, 1849 "Resolved, That (he institution of Sla very ought not to be introduced into any lerruory wnere it (iocs not now exist. "Resolved, That inasmuch asNewMox ico and California are in faot and in law free Territories, it is the duty of Congress to prevent tho introduction ot blaviry with in their limits." 4 In this instance, the Legislature and the people have spoken. Yes, tho Democracy spuko in due lonn, and with proper solem nity, and was responded to with approba tion elsewhere, by the Democrats of the JNorth. fcvon Jittlu Delaware, a slave State, then came to the rescue, by the following resolutions of her Legislature, pnsscd Kb uary 22, 1847: "Whereas a crisis has arrived in the pub lie affairs of this nation, which requires the iuii ana tree expression or the will of the people, through their legal representatives; and whereas tho United States l at war with a sister Republic, occasioned by the annexation ot 1 exas, with a view to the ad dition of slave territory to our country and the extension of tho Slave Power in our Union; and whereas, in the opinion of this General Asscmbh', such acquisitions ore hostile to tho spirit ot our free institutions, and contrary to sound morality; therefore, be it "Resolved by the Senate and House of representatives of the State of Delaware in General Assembly met, That our Senators and Representatives in Congress aro hereby requested to vote against the annexation ol any new territory which shall not thereafter be forever free froYu Slavery." "Resolved, That a copy of the foregoing resolutions be transmitted to our Senators and Representatives in Congress. " I have the resolutions of Vermont, New Jersey, Massachusetts, and Wisconsin, which were passed about the same lime. just as strong and conclusive on this question as any I have read, but will not pub lish them nt lenatb. Sufficient evidence has already been given of the sentiment of the North at that time. Now, sir, I take it upon myself to say that this sentiment has not abated in the least since that time, but has gradually increased ever since, and is now the prevailing opinion of the free men ot the JNortli. Not content with this, sir, I will now en tor the Cabinet of President Pierce, and bring to the support of Freedom one of its members, who in those days, united his voice with tho other freemen of the north, in behalf of suffering humanity. I mean tho Hon. Mr. McClelland, of Michigan who, in Febuary, 1849, used the followinc language in the House of Representatives ot me united states: "We have, however, the power to im pose taxes upon the inhabitants of a terri tory, to regulate the right of suffrage in it, and, if we deem it advisable, to legislate for it, without tl-.e intervention of n local Legislature. All these acts of the Legislative Council of a territory are subject to supervision, revision.and correction of Con gress." "I do not subscribo to the opinion ad vanced by a Northern member, that the question of political power alone is involved; and that we care not how many slaves aro carried into this Territory, provided that the political power is thereby increased. I believe the general happiness, prosperity, and advancement, of the whole Union, morally and politically, forbid its expansion.""The south Bhould be satisfied with the admission of Ttxas into the Union, with power to form four more States in her territory. This, in time, will be done; and where is tho counterpoise in the North or West? One State may be formed in Oregon, one west of Iowa and Missouri, and one north of Wisconsin and Iowa, nnd all tho free territory that is inhabitable is exhausted. Upper California we ought, and in all probability, will have, and it should be free. Besides other considerations, it is far better adapted to the pursuits of Northern men than to slave labor. Then, why exclude free labor? Admit tho slave, and you expel the free laborer; for it is folly to think that our Northern men will emigrate tc the most inviting country in tho world, where they know they will be compelled to labor side by side with the slave." "Now, sir, does not this foreshadow what will come to pass, unless the inilit live steps are taken to prevent it ? Could there be a stronger argument to show the necessity of our declaring a firm and unchangeable dc-terminalion not tamely to submit to the in troduction of Slavery into any territory that may be acquired ?" If this authority does not satisfy my friends on the opposite side of the House of the true position of tho Democratic par ty at mat time, l will ndduce other proof For I take the position, sir, that then the Democratic party was sound on the fla very question, but since has apostatized. I till you that the Democrats of that day did not intend to occupy doubtful positions upon that subject. We intended that it should be understood that we wero opposed to wavery going into any or this vast empire that we had acquired from Mexico; and we meant what we said. There was ro trouble among ourselves then; we were all sound upon the subject of slavery. That was Democracy at that time and accepted as such by all Democrats and it is Detnoc racy now. I intend to be as brief as possible. I have a resolution, passed on the 8.h of January, 1848, by the radical Democracy of Ubio. . 1 believe that Sam Aledary wai a member of the Convention, and a great many other Democrats. It was a full Con vention all parts of the State beincr ren resented. It is as follows: "That the people of Ohio now, as they have alwavi done, look upon fie institutions; oi slavery in any part of the Union aian evil, and unfavorable to the full develop ment of the spirit and practical benefits of free institutions ; and that, entertaining me sentiment, they will at all timcn reel it to be their duty to use all power clearly given by the terms of the national com pact to prevent its inorease, to mitigate, an finally to ersdicate the evil. 1 "Uesolyed, That the Democracy of Ohio do at the same time fully recognise the doctrine held by the early fathers of the Republic, and still maintained by the Democratic parly in all the States, that to each State belongs the right to adapt and modify its own municipal laws ; to regulate its own internal affairs ; (o hold and maintain an equal an independent sovereignty with each and every Stato ; and that upon these i ights tho National Legislature can neither legislate nor encroach." Democratic Platform i o 1848, JNow, I niik the cciilkman from Mississ ippi whether ho does not cull this Democ racy ! Mr. WRIGHT, of Mississippi. I will tell you what I call good Democracy, not only in Mississippi, but throughout this broud Union. Democracy stands on the jreat principle of the right of self govern ment for all fiee white men, whether in Mississippi, in the State of Ohio, or in the Territories yet to bo organized. We do j not believe when a gentleman happens to tray, and are now wandering like lost sheep in uiu niiueiiii'tn, uvwir Eunice ior tne Mammon of slavery. ' But the lime had to come for this par.'y to apostatize, but it was not until they got notice from a few leaders, under tho direction of tho Board of Public Woiks in Ohio, in 1854, that it was necessary, in order to keep in with tho National Democracy, that they should change ground in regard to this matter, nnd take a different position. t n n.-l 1 rm . - . iwsoivca, mat our eontidonce in nil compromises with Slavery is destroyed; that the encroachments of the Slave Power on the rights nnd interests of the North n, ust be checked; nnd that we will henceforth earnestly and cheerfully labor for the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law.and against the extension of Slavery. "3. Resolved, That we will support no man ior oiuco wno sanctions or approves me ivansas and JNtorasha outrage,- or con- Consequently, on the 7th of January, 1854, tir.ues his connectien with any party sane- few days before the intoduction of the Kansas Nebraska bill, this party met again in Columbus. Then they wero prepared to pass anything. They passed this resolve: "Resolved, That this Convention, in behalf of the Democracy of Ohio, hereby affirm the platform of resolutions adopted at the Nalionul Democratic Convention! which nsstmbaled at Baltimore, in June, 1852, as a clear and distinct declaration of our political principles." (fhcy went to work and engrafted upon other leave one Stnte that he loses the riuht of i the Ohio platform of 1840 the Baltimore self-government that he has less intellect, I platform, hoping to keep the Ohio Democ or less right to the socuiity of, life, liberty and property. I hope the gentleman is answered. Mr. LEITER The gentleman, like his party, is driveu to an abstraction. They do not stand on it themselves. (Laughter,; It may do for Mississiprians, but, come up North, and they will read you out of the arty so rapidly that it will make your head swim, (Great laughter.) The De mocracy oi Uhio are not salaried with merely circumscribing slavery ; they are radical in their opinions on the subject ; they would mitigate the evil, and filially radicate it. That is the party with which I acted, as loving Freedom better than Slavery, but it is not the party that now claims to be the Democratic party of that State. In 1854, the Democratic pnr-ty was disbanded, nnd is now known as the Republican party, Mr. WK1U11T. Will the gentleman yield to me ? Mr. LEITER. Certainly , but I think I am a better commentator on Ohio politics than the gentleman can be. Mr. WRIGHT. The term Democracy was first applied to the Democratic party as an epithet of approbrmm ; but its bril liunt national and conservative policy has commended it strongly to the hearty np probation and favor of everyright-thinking man. This is so well known, that thi-re is not a party that has risen now-a days, which. has not claimed to be some what Democratic. In the North, the name has been assumed as a mask, under which is hid tho horrid face of Abolitionism. The name is assumed, not because any of these parlies maintain any. of the great principles of the national Democracy ; but they could not tor a moment stand beiore the American people, were it not lor this cloak, which conceals their foul deformity. Mr. LEITER. The gentleman must be hung in the fence ; he cannot keep still. Laughter. I do not see what he has made by his commentey on the Ohio resolution. I do not see the pertinency of his remarks. Does he think to scare me by throwing Abolitionism at me ? I am as far from Abolitionism as he is. I do not propose to interfere wiih Slavery in the State3 where it now is. Is he making a pass at the so called Democracy of the North ? If be is, he does them wrong, for they are for end against Slavery, just to suit the lo-. cality and times. They will undoubtedly proclaim the gentleman from Mississippi to be in tavor ot the extension of slavery Keep your negroes in Mississppi. I will not disturb them. I will call attention, now, to an editorial of a paper in Ohio, published at that time Wait until I read it before you gue& its author. Here it is ! "No more Slave States.' That is our doctrine, ever has been, and ever will be, We long to fee the day when no bondman black or white, shall mingle his groans with our aspirations for universal liberty. "No more Slave States' is a Republican motto, expressive of a Republican policy.,' Plain Dealer Who do you suppose wroie that article ? It was not (iarnson ; it was not ureeley was not Fred. Douglas. It was Jcseph VV. Uiay, the editor of the l'lain Dealer, the present postmaster of Cleveland, and the appointee of President Pierce. It was written by a man now the head and front of the Democratic party of that State, Mr. WRIGHT. I ask the gentleman, in justice lo the Democracy of Ohio, to read the conclusion of the r.soluuun which ho has referred to. Mr. LEITER. I will print all of it. Mr. WRIGHT. Does not the concluding portion ot the resolution emphatically stale that slavery is a domestic institution, with which the btate of Ohio cannot inter fere, directly or indirectly ? Mr. LEITER. Certainly. I do not mean to interfere with it. I will tell you what the man said wno drafted (he resolu tion that it was a gull-trap. Laugh tcr.1 Mr. WRIGHT. I suppose it caught this L'eniieman. Mr. LEITER. No, sir ; emphatically I say, no, sir. They don't get mo into that trap. Ihey can I catch Lie in this Nebraska trap. I am not to be caught so easily as that. The Democratic parly adhered to tbat resolution of 1648; and when they held their Democratic Convention in Columbus, in 1849, that resolution was affirmed. It was reaffirmed in 18fO, again affirmed in 1851, and adhered to in 1852; and in 1853, when a delegate from the county of aiusiirgttm proposed to pledge the Democracy of Ohio to the Baltimore plntform, 1 was laid upon the table by an overwhelming majority, I think by a vote one hundred and sixty-eight to tweniy-two. The Baltimore platform was repudiated by the Democracy of Ohio, and they persisted in doclarlnv truth to the woild, irstesd of a falsehood and deception. I acted with them, I voted with them, and I only regret that from the force of circumstances from the pressure of official potiiion very many oft bem who this day subscribe to tbe doe trine of 1848 have been driven from the trne path of Democracy, and hare gone es- racy together before the Kansas-Nebraska bill was introduced. Tbey evidently knew it was coming, and prepared the way. The moment the telegraph brought the news that the Baltimore platform was adopted, that moment I saw that the Democratic party of Ohio was to be demoralized. Now, sir, they make up a most remakable and strange compound. They go to work and mingle Slavery and Freedom together, and take a double dose, and ask every Democrat to take the same quantity, They thought they could sugar over the Baltimore platform, because they got the Ohio platform iniDgled up with it. I publish the resolutions of the Ohio platform, adopted by the Democratic party of Ohio, in order to show that I am to day upon a I Democratic platform, and that the party leaacrs, anu noti, nave seen nt to change upon the subject of slavery. I do not believe they havo changed in reality, though apparently they have. They evidently intend to cheat somebody, nnd I would advise gentlemen of the South to look to it. They can't cheat us in the North ; they are detected. Now, about tho time that Mr. Gray wrote that article which I have read, I took my position in regard to this question ; and I now stand where I then stood. I was a Democrat then ; I am a Democrat now. I never was a Whig ; I respect, however. the Whigs as a party, but I do not respect them anymore thin the Democrats do now. Their respect for the Whigs is unbounded, for they do say they were, in their time, absolutely the mostpotriotic, most self-sac rificing men who ever lived upon this earth according to the declarations of the pres ent so-called Democracy. If it had not been for the old Whig party, the Demo cratio party would never have got through the stru"le which they have passed tnrough. ihe time was when 1 supposed mat tne vvnigs were opposing us, and at tempting to do mischief; but that must be a mistake; they were the true patriots as I now understand the so-called Democracy That the Whig party was a gallant and pa triotio party, I save no doubt ; but I must confess that it is difficult to account for the eulogies bestowed upon it by it most form idable enemy. It is idle flattery and sheer hypoci icy. They do not believe what they now say, or they were the most consummate hypocrites that ever lived. 1 hat you may be certain that I am a Democrat, I will give you what I adopt as my Democracy: "Equal and exact justice to all men." "No slave Territory." "No moro slave States. "The General Government relieved from all responsibili ty for Slavery. "No interference by the General Government with slavery in tho slave States. "No interference with the right of jury trial, the writ of habeas corpus, and other guarantees of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, in the free States." "Slavery left to itself in the States which cheiish it, without any extraneous aid or comfort; lo reconcile itself, as best it may, to tho progress of civilization and Christianity, and to the liberal spirit of the age." "freedom of Kansas. Now, sir, that is Democracy upon which I never compromise. Those are principles I intend to live and die by, and they are principles of the old Democratic party; and I wish now that every Democrat in thi country had adhered to the piinciples of that party, as laiil down upon this ques tion in unmistakable language. JNow, l nave somo resolutions, which were adopted at Kavennn, where I was nominated for Consjress. I propose to publish them, and perhaps 1 might as well read some or them as there is good read ing in tnrm: "1. Resolved, That we regard there peal of the Missouri Compromise as a gross iniraction oi tne plighted taitb ol the nation whileitis inixpedieut, and at variance with the policy of this Government, as laid down by the patriotic founders of our Republic." "8. nesolved, that the repented and continued ei e-oachnients of the Slave Pow er in this Government, on the rights of the Nor'h and the interests of freemen, has destroyed our confidence in Slavery compro mise s; and we feel determined to labor un ceasingly, henceforth, for the repeal of the i ugitive blave law, and to prevent cx:en sion of Slavery. 3. Resolved, That we will support no man for office who personally sanctions or preserves Ins connection with a political ui'ning or approving mat or any Ecnemo oi wavery aggression. I publish these resolutions, so thnt every one can see where I stand. Now, sir, I will give you the platform of my opponent, so that gentlemen from the South as well as the North can see where he, as a Democrat, stood. The Democracy of Stark couaty, Ohio, on the 20ih of September, 1854, held a meelincr nt Canton, and pass ed Ihe following resolutions: (first, the resolution of 1848, which I have read.) "2. Resolved, That we will use all constitutional means within our power to prevent the admission into this Union of any of . -r l- T.T 1 . me icrruurv oi rvansas or xneorasaa as slave States" The proceedings of this meeting are signed by A. Lynch, President. This mon, Lynch, is now President of the Buck and Breck Club in Canton, Lynch wrote a letter to E. Spaulding, their candidate, enclosing to him the above resolutions, and he answered as follows: "Ravknna, Sept. 22, 1854. "Dear Sib: Yours of the list instant, enclosing certain resolutions adopted by a Democratic meeting in Canton on the 20th instant, is at hand; and, in reply, allow me to say that I heartily approve of each and all the above resolutions, and have only to regret that my private ensnfremcnts cre- ..l r' i - " . . yhiku me irom oeing present, to give my pcrsonBi support in your meeting. Respectfully yours, E. Spauldiso. "A. Lrscn, Esq." Now, gentlemen, I r.m coin? to brine you down right along to the beginning of our troubles, when these managing tricksters of politicians commenced, in 1854, to change ground. Do you recolleet, gentlemen, when that provision was introduced into this Kansas Nebraska bill, that there was one universal condemnation from the whole free States of the North, against the act how the people held meetings all over tne tree atates resolved and re-resolved, nnd resolved again, and instructed their members of Congress to vote against the repeal of the Missouri Compromise? The preachers. preached against it, and the people prayed against it, and thousands upon Douglas introduced a bill for tboorganiza' tion of Nebraska, which did not propose te affect tin- Missouri Compromise. Why has he romodt led his last year's bill? No new circumstancoa connected with this territory have arison since. That bill was complete in all its details, and passed the last House by a very largo majority. It failed in the Senate only becitusu no direct rote was taken upon itin that body. No member of Congress then proposal lo interfere witli the slavery prohibition. Even Senator Atchison, of Missouri, a man imbued with strong southern feelings, in speech, on the 4th of March last, in furor of taking np the Nehrabka bill, said: 'It is evident that the Missouri Compromise cannot be repealed So far as that question is con- cerncd, we might well airree to the ad' mission of that territory now as next year, or five or ten years hence.' "So far as we can learn, the public sen timcnt of this portion of Ohio is a unit on this question; nnd opposed to abolishing the Missouri Compromise, and opening anew the flood-gates of the slavery excitement; and we doubt not the public servants of Ohio at Washington will faithfully represent that sentiment in their action on this subject." (A. McGnEooa, Editor. This editor was then a Democrat, and this article was approved by the party. 'Now it is hard to tell what he is; but this is certain, he is no Democrat. The "public sentiment" of Ohio, so faf as that editor knew, was a unit in opposition to the reopening of theagitition of the slave question. Well, he stood upon that position, and battled against the passage of the Kansas Nebraska bill, until after it had passed. Then, the next thing was, "Tho Kan sas-Nebraska bill is passed. We were op-" posed to it. It is in a form we cannot ap prove, cut Democrats, lookout.- There s danger ahead. The Whigs, the Abolitionists, the fanatics of all parts of the country are going to make capital out of it. They intend to divide and conqusr us. Stand! firm Democrats!" Well, that scared somo men, and they went back. I am going to show a littlo further nbout this same editor. This Dem-1 ocratie editor was a member of tho Sena torial . Convention which met at Waynes-borougb, in Stark county, Ohio, for the pur pose of nominating a candidate for State Senator for the counties of Stark and Cor-roll, on the 18th of September, 1855. A. McGregor, from the Committee on Resolu tions, among others, reported the follow ing: 3. Resolved, that the people of this1 Senatorial District now, as they have always done, look unon slaverv as a withn :i.-.r...i. .7 . . ..'..... . ' . ------- uioueanus ot remonstrances were sent to ; ing curse, unlavorable to the practical de Congress to save that time-honored Cora- pi omise and the cause of Human Freedom. What good did all that do? The great party measure was about to be carried out. The great wrong was about to be perpetrated. The fiut had gone forth, and the deed must be done, and it was done as required. Men who then occupied seats on this floor from the JNorth whose position was even doubtful on this question men who were necessarily absent and did not vote on the question went home and met a withering conucmnauon irora tneir constituents. Those who remained here, and veted in favor of the repeal of the Missouri Com promise, have gone down down clear in to insignihcnnt oblivion, never more to be heard of. Their last words have been ado- ... M velorment of the benefits of free institu tions: and tbat, entertaining these sentiments, we will at all times feel it our duly to use all the influence within our reach, not conflicting with the national compact, to prevent its incroase, and finally eradi cate the evil." Now, sir, these eradicilors of this with-cfing Curse are claiming to be on the Cincinnati platform to the South; and in the) North, they nre still eradicating the evil, In their other resolutions, they are particularly hard upon tbe Know Nothings. 8a it is here. Every man must have a hit at tho Know Nothings. That is only done to divert the attention of the people from their true position- on the slavery question. Now, I am going a little further. I am go- parly tbat sanctions the Kansas and Nebras ka outrage, or anv other scheme of Slave ry sgercssion or ixttnsion." Stptcmlier 5, 1854. Now, what is the difference between tbat and the resolutions which I rend before, in reference to this queslion of Slaver)? Not any. There are three of them. I wish I could read them all. Another set of resolutions were passed at Canton, after I was nominated, and they are these: 1. Resolved. That the repesl of the Missouii Compromise is a cross violation of plighted faith, and merits the condemnation of all friends of national as well as Northern interests. ken. Their last deed bh politicians las , ing to show that these Democrats falsely been done. They arc politically dead and! claim to hold to the same ooiniofts nnnn buried poor fellows! A political grave j this subject that I do; and I am sound up-in political oblivion, now bides them from on the subject, while they are at best bal-tt.e scorn and contempt of an indignant peo- ancing North and South. I now read from pie. the Ohio Statesman, and that is pretty good Well, now, sir, let us soe how this thiner authority in Ohio. 8tands. I Democratic Statr Cestbai. Cmrvrr.. When that proposition was introduced tee." According to previous notice. th in the Senate, for the repeal of the Missou- Democrntio Ctntral Committee of Ohio, ri Compromise, the editor of tho Stark conveued at Columbus on Thursdav. tha county Democrat, (I speak of him as a ' 2Cth of Juno, at 2 o'clock, P. M. Democrat, because I tupnose he wants that I "On motion of Col. Medary. A. McGrecw name, as he has got nothing else,) publish- or was called to the Chair, andE. A.Kin ou a long article, which I will read: appointed Secretary. "It would seem that Congress and the "After the transaction of business, the country aro again to bo the theatre of n! Committee adjourned to meet again on slavery agitation.which, in vio'encc, threat- j Thuisday the 18ih day of July, at the same. ens 10 cquai, it not Burpass any mat has place. preceded it. "A short time since, the Senate Territorial Committee of the present Congress, of which Mr. uougias, oi Illinois, is Uuftir A. McGREGOR, Chariman. E. A. Kino, Secretary. This McGregor, who n'gned these proceedings as Chairman of the Central Com- the man who introduced the man, reported a bill for the organization of mittee. Is Nebraska, repealing the eighth secion of, Wayr.esborough resolutions, denouncing the Missouri Compromise. This, of course s'aery as a withering enrse the very man inr-jws emu tsi j e'rruory open tociavery, i who write the article wMcu 1 have, read, and leaves this vexed question in nn un ("em uncing. in mch strong terms, tho re. settled state, if the bill should become a j peal of the Missouri Compromise, law. George W. Belden, the Senatorial romr- "The territory to he affected by this pro nee for that dis ret, made speeches in ae- nn.nl nnttnn It elAn..-n. . ..I .1 t .1 . 1 1 . 1 1 pvs?i-u oniuu in onyicBs cAienos irom mo ooran:e wi;n uiai resolution, 10 my cer western boundary of Missouri, Iowa and Minnesota territory lo the Rocky Mountains, and from the British possessions lo Trl-is. It contains nn area of 435,000 squaro miles, being nbout twelve times as large as Ohio, end larger by 33,000 square miles than the Atlantic free Statps. This immense region is fertile Rnd well watered nnd is situated midway between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. "Our readers will bear us witness that we have never encouraged ngitalion on the subject of slavery. While wehaveslways regarded that institution as a monstroui evil, unfavorable to the development of the spirit and practical benefit ol free inslilu lions, we have always accorded to the southern Sta'es the political rght, nnder the uonstuution, to n gulate their internal affairs in their own way. But when it is proposed to disturb a solemn compact, having all the solemn force of a eonsti'utional provision a compact sanctioned by an nn-interupled acquiesce noe of more than thirty years a compact entered intoata fearful crisis in the history of the country, when bold hearts were appalled at the dancers thnt menaced tha Union, and sagacious minds struggled (o advert them when it is proposed to act for the purpose, we think of opening an avenae for the admission ot slavtry into territory which even the south his quietly considered for the last thirty years as dedicated entirely to freedom, we enter our protest against it. "At the last session of CvBgrets, Mr. tain knowledge, sprinkled, of course, with. a lutle talk about Know NotliHigtsm. Now, this same Oeorge W. Bidden represented the 18th Congre-eioual district in t' e Cincinnati Convention ;and, we are informed, in the proceedings of that Convention, voted for Buchanan on every ballot. R J. Atkinson, third Auditor of the Treasury, also made a speech advocating that resolution and denouncing slavery. Now, gentlemen, you can appropriate these facts. Take them, and make thn the most you can out of tbe m. You will find tbat those men in 1855 stood upon precisely the same platform that the Republican paittnow stands on against the re peal of tho Missouri Compre raise, against the extension of slavery, nnd in favor of restricting it. Now, sir, I say, that np to the time of the passage of the Kansas Nebraska Bill, te Democratic party of Ohio were strongly opposed to the repeal of the Missouii Compromise. And after its passage a large number of Democrats remained of tbe same opin'en. and sre now Repablieans ; ' but ethers were postmasters, ana of course they changed ; others were editors, with a smill amount of printing, and they changed ; others were marshals and district attorneysthey wera bound lo change, and of coarse did. They turood about and became the friends of that bill, and of eours they e xptoted the rest of us lo turn about too. They supposed that all they had to do wis (ogive the order,"rigbt about face."