Mt. Vernon Republican (Mount Vernon, Ohio : 1854), 1863-03-26

              A A A A v A. A lirfr A. A ; i. a jil A A A i lrOL IX. MOUNT VERNON. OHIO THURSDAY, MARCH 2G, 1863. NO. 21. (;. ' THE 3I01XT YEUXON REl'l'BLlCAN. T E It M S : For ono year (invariably ia advanee)82,00 for u mouths, TEIIMS Or ADVERTISING. One square, 3 weeks, One square, 3 months, Ono square, 0 mouths, One square, 1 year, One square (changeable monthly) Changeable weekly, Two squares, 3 weeks, Two squares, C weeks, Two squares, 3 mouths, 1'wo squares, G months, Two squares, 1 year, Three squares, 3 weeks, Three squares, 6 weeks, .Three squares, 3 mouths, Three squares, 6 months, Three sciuares, 1 rear. 1,00 1,00 3,00 4.50 C,00 10,00 15,00 1,75 3,25 5.25 C,75 8,00 2,50 4,50 6,00 8,00 10,00 Oue-fourth column, chan. quarterly, 15.00 "One-third " " " 22,00 One-half ' 28,00 One column, changeable quarterly, 50,00 All local notices of advertisements, or calling attention to any enterprise intended to benefit individuals or corporations, will be charged at the rafb. often cents per line. For the liopublicnn.J .ON PICKET AT STOXE RIVER. BY SERGEANT IIOU-INGSWORTII, SECOND BATTALION. 'Tis midnight and the twinkling stars Shine brightly from on high, And not a cloud is shadowing now The war-like southern sky. I am statioued in a cedar grove, The picket post to stand, And listening for the stealthy tread Of traitors close at hand. Chorus. How many thousands have gone to rest, We know that they are free; Their bodies nioldering in the dust Ou the plains of Tennessee. I seo their burning camp fires now, Upon the dismal hill, And hear the screech owl's dismal cry, And feel more lonely still. I hear the groans of wounded men, That still lay on the field; And many moro my eys can see, With lips forever settled. And thus far through this dismal night, These mournful sounds arise, And many a patriot finds a grave Beneath' these southern skies. The light of day doth now appear, All beautiful and bright; I see the movements of our troops, "Tis to renew the fight. Our picket line is now engaged With the rebel skirmishers; And now the order comes to us, Fall back on your reserve. Oh! yonder comes the rebel lino, They're march ing on our flank; Stand fast brave boy?, our General cries, We'll soon thin out their rauks. Our battery stationed on their right, - The Chicago Board of Trade, Now opens lire on their ranks, And with them havoc made. Aud bow the battle rages on In all its horrid might, And soon the traitors see they can No farther turn our right. 'Tis mid day and the sun beams forth Ou this bright New Year's day, -And thousands find a soldier's grave In Tennessee's cold clay. Upon our center lines they come, They think to make them break; But there the traitors find that they Have made a sad mistake. Again that dreaded hour comes on, The cold ground is our bed; Another sleepless night have we 'To spend among the dead. And now I think of a happy home, Of friends so dear to me, And wonder if 'twill bo my doom, To die in Tennessee. Again the light of day appears, Tho clouds obscure the sky, A drenching rain is pouring down . Upon us from on high; But still tho battle is reucwed, Tho bloody strife goes on, The rebels swear we shall nut Enter Murfreosboro town. The battlo rages fiercely now Along Stone Hirer's shore, Aud hundreds of the traitors there, Fall to rise no moro. Now the traitors see they can No longer hold thir ground, And in dismay, confusion flee From Murfreosboro town. Our glorious flag's now floating Above tho Court Houso tower, A warning to all taaitors, Who seek that flag to lower. Oh! God forbid such men to live In honor, wealth and fame, To spill the blood of honest hearts To win themselves a name. Extracts from a Speech of Hon. S. Shcllabcrgcr, of Ohio, m Congress.Tell Amcricaus that theso arrests arc unheard of acts of despotism, when they know that for such arrests at New Orleans by Jackson, ho received tho plaudits of his Government; and for them by General Wilkinson, at tho time of Burr's conspiracy, ho was applauded by Mr. Jefferson, who said: "Ou great occasions, every good officer must be ready to risk hinisolf in going beyond tho strict lino of law, when the publio preservation requires it. Ilis motives will be a justification as far as there is any discretion in his ultra-legal proceedings, and no indulgence of private feelings." 'Your sending here Swartwout and Bollman, and adding to them Burr, Blen-uerhassett, aud Tyler, should they fall into your hands, will bo supported by the publio opinion." "The Feds, and tho little band of Quids in' opposition, will try to make something of the infringement of liberty by tho military arrests aud deportation of citizens; but if it does not go beyond such offenders as Swartwout. Bollman, Burr, Blcnncrhas- sott, Tyler, &e., they will be supported by the public approbation. And these acts by Jackson and Wilkin son, were done at a timo when tho public danger was to ours now as tho summer breeze to the sweep of tho hurricane. Tell us that these military arrests for "public safety" are unheard of acts of despotism not dared to bo made by autocrats, when wo know that from the conspiracy of Cat- aline to the rebellion of Dorr, in every civilized country under the heavens, they have been resorted to as the means of pre serving the State ! And, sir, they never should be resorted to except when necessary to preserve the State, and then with extremcat care. Tell men not idiots that Mr. Lincoln's six hundred and forty days possession of this Government has divided this Union, inaugurated tho war, and brought all its consequences, when every man on tho globe who reads any human language, from Esquimaux to English, knows that under Mr. Buchanan's administration this Union was (as much as now) divided, sevcnjStates had seceded, tho rebel government was formed, the President in stalled, tho congress in sessien, an act ma tured calling out one hundred thousand militia to scizo on Washington and assas- siuato tho President, our army aud arms seized in Texas, public property taken by the rebellion, and the Government's authority overthrown throughout one-fonrth its limits! Tell us Lincoln commenced this war, wheu Walker, tho rebel Secre tary of War, on the 12th of April, 1861, boasts that they began it on that day by tho attack upon Sumter, and notified through his organs his army of seven thousand men and ono hundred and forty cannon to be ready at a moment's notice to march upon and take this capital; and this and innumrrable other acts of war, all doue before one effort was made by this Government even in preparation for self-defence 1 Let us look a little at these accusations against the men of tho Nor h. Tho gentleman from Illinois, says, in effect, we brought tho war wrongly, unjustly, by re jecting an honorable compromise, which was rejected on the 2d of March, 18G1. This was after seven rebel States had seceded, organized a rebel government, inaugurated its President, matured, in its congress, an act calling out ono hundred thousand militia; surrendered our army in Texas, and our forts, arsenals, navy-yards and other public property to the rebellion; and after the conspirators had taken a 11. n unai leave ot tins Uevernmcnt in con temptuous defianco of tho Government aud rejection of all compromise, aud was in the act of oaganizing its armies to march them on this capital to ovorthrow the Gov- ernmeut and to assassinate tho President of the United States, and to scizo upon the seat of his and of this Govcrnmeat's power. That was tho precise attitude of tho rebels towards the "President and his friends" at tho moment when that President and his friends, as the gentleman alleges, at last refused to make with tho rebels "an honorable compromise 1" And that was the attitudo of affairs mark it Americans when began the six hundred and forty- ono days of this administration's existence, which tho gentleman from Ohio Mr. Cox ;n this House dares to insinuate hsve borne as their terrible fruits, tho destruction of three hundred thousand citizens, the divis ion of this Union into two belligerent parts, the bankruptcy and total debauchery of the entire nation. Let this Houso and nation noto this attitudo of affairs when this honorablo compromiso was declined, and when these six hundred and forty-one days began, and then let us look a moment at these startling accusations that wo have brought this war and its awful fruits by rejecting honorable compromise. Shall I argue with these honorable gen tlemen tho proposition that the President aud his friends could only compromise with rebels, whoso kuifo was at their throats, honorably upon tho supposition that our principles, which wo were required to abandon in tho compromise, were so obviously wrong and unjust that wo and tho pcoplo who elected Mr. Lincoln could not honestly entertain thera as true? If honestly entertained as wise principles of government, and just approvod by tho people, could tho President and his friends abandon them in obedienco to the logie of tho knife and tho pistol; and abandon them at the very moment ho was appointed by the pooplo to execute them ? Would that, sir, be the gentleman's idea of an lionorahlc compromise? Let us seo. I now make an appeal which I know must reach tho sense of manhood as well as tho patriotism of tho gentleman from Illinois, and of every member on tho other side. Had Mr. Douglass been electpd on the doctrino of "populer sovereignty," and then had tho New England States, or Ohio, pursued the course of their Southern sisters, and said, "we are unwilling to ba-long to a Government which protects slavery; we aro tired of what these men call the copartnership wo will break it up, and will erect a Government of oUr own;" aud if they had seized tho forts, arsenals, aud public property of tho whole country, and had arrayed themselves iu hostility to tho Government, and threatened to depose Mr. Douglass, aud to take possession of the capital, and had put their kuife at the heart of Mr. Douglass, and at the heaat of the gentleman from Illinois, as tho head of his Cabinet, and then, in that posture of affairs, had said to Mr. Douglass, and his Cabinet, and to the people who elected him, "we will submit to your government, and live under it if you will make with us an "honorablo compromise;" just abandon your principle of "popular sovereignty;" put into the Constitution our Chicago platform; exclude popular sovereignty from the Territories forever; and do not stop there, but after you have got the Chicago platform into the Constitution, put in a clause touching if, which shall say, as the Crittenden compromiso did touching its "slave code," which it injected into tho Constitution, "no future amendment to the Constitution shall affect this article." And then had New England said, "do this, and we "Llack .Republicans" will condoscend to live under government, and will not cut its throat, and yours, too. We offer you this 'honorable compromise.' You can accept it or tho knife. If you reject this honorable compromise, you will bo the cause of the war wo will make on the Government; and will bo tho authors of the slaughter and bankruptcy it will bring and of one division of tho Union and of our rebellion." Had New England done this and I beg pardon of noble New England for ever quoting this supposition which I do from Mr. Latham would the gentleman from Illinois have accepted that most "honorablo compromise?" Would ho, Mr. Chairman? Would ho, my just-minded men of America? Would he do the thing described by the noblo De mo-crat, Rosccrans, just after the victory of Murfreesboro, which has made him immortal, icho thus speaks of tho peace traitors of tho North: "They will lick the boots of these South ern thieves and liars, who will turn around and kick them." Mr. Chairman. I take tho question back. To ask it is not to assume merely that tho gentleman from Illinois would have played the traitor by laying down at the foot of monstrous, causeless rebellion, that Government which tho people had just given to him and made him swear to "protect and defend." It is not to assuino merely that ho was too poor-spirited and too cowardly to defend a principle ho believed right, and which the pcoplo had just approved and intrustod to him to defend as their chosen guardian. But it is to suppose tho gentleman from Illinois is a dog, and a very mean dog at that. Sir, if he would not, and could not, make such a compromiso without dishonor and the abandonment of all pretense of ours being a Government, then, in the name of all that is high and holy in common justice and fair play, I ask how could we abandon our principles and the Government at tho bidding of rebellion, with Yancey's dagger at our heart? The first Congress which ever met under tho Constitution applied thatordinanco, excludin gslavry from all our then Teritories, to our new form of government. Its benefi-centprovisionsbegun at the west'n base of the Allcghanies, and swept across tho great States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, far off to tho Lake of tho Woods. It was passed by tho very men who had just made the Constitution passed early in tho morning of the first days of tho Republic's existence passed when tho young leaf upon our tree of liberty opened to tho eun its Iir3t verdure passed when the firstoath, rij thej men who had mado tho Constitution, had scarce oscapedfrom theirlips tosupport it,and bad seareo yet been registered by God to whom it was addressed, and was approved by Washington on tho same day tho War Department ol this Government was first cre ated. And, sir, after it was passed, it r. i ,-ceirod tho illustrious signature of Washington. Why, sir, in the light of the evenis naw surrounding us, and of the teachings of to-day upon this floor, is it not a startling fact that ono of tho very first statutes over passed by an American Congrr:, and ono ot tho very first which recoived the approving signature of the rst President of the man "first iu war, first in peace, and J first in tho hearts of his fellow citizens" I provided that there should be no slavery forever in all the vast territories theu own. cd by this Government provided precise- ly what, in tho election of tho present Ad ministration, tho puoplo declared to be the best lor tho wholo country provided precisely what a gentleman on thh floor now alleges our favoring makes us the authors of this rebellion, aud the murderers of the three hundred thousand who have fallen in Mr. Lincoln's six hundred and fortv- one days; and provided what another calls "high crime?" But, Mr. Chairman, if the trcutleman is right wheu ho says it would have been nonorablo compromise for him to have "ot upon his belly atCharleston before Toombs aud Yancey and begged pardon for haviug dared to hold any principle, and esneeinllv that of popular sovereignty, and to have meekly taken in Us place "the slave code-" and it would be "honorable compromise," uau lur. nought been elected, for him and Mr. Douglas to prostrate tlicms..! before tho Republican party with their nanus upon their mouths and their mimth in tho dust, crying "unclean unclean it your Republicans only will not rebel ami assassinate Mr. Douglas, wo will gladly put your principles into the Constitution and make tlmm eternal, and will never hold any of our own any more, aud will ask par- uou tor ever having gone so far as to nut any even into a platform;" if ho is right in saying that it would have been honorable compromise in us, just when the principles of Washington and his compeers were by the voico and approval of the pcoplo instrusted to us for administration, to abandon them whon mudsill Hammond cracked his whip at us: vet. sir. it is mon strously, absolutely, aud iucontostubly an error to assert that these oonspirators would have given us even that "honorablo compromise." Uuttcrly polluted with dishonor as we would have been, as we lav there prostrate in filth before tharebellion.bcgging to be permuted to exchange Washington's principles for Bully Brook's by "honorablo compromise," they would havo spit upon us and kicked us, instead of giving us the "honorablo compromiso" of tho gentleman from Illinois. "THE CLAIM OF SLAVERY CAN NEVER BE SUPPORTED." But, Mr. Chairman, high over all, central to thera all, penetrating, pervading, and sanctifying all, is that other precept from tho lips of tho Master of them all, from which alike all government, all law, all morality, and all civilization derivo the springs aud scources of their existence. It says: "As ye would that others should do unto you do yo even so unto them. Such, incontestably, were the lights under which were formed the institutions of tho Republic. I havo sought, in fancy, to put them back again in the same cham bcr where they wero wheu tho Govern ment was formed. I have gathered there beneath those lights the shades of the men who stood arouud tho cradle of the Republic. Aud as these pass before them let gentlemen bo silent, for in that proccs sion shall pass by every cna of our illus trious dead. Let them heed tho sublime precepts to which, as thoy pass, each one ot these will point. Iheso their precept aro legible, yet, once traced in light, now, alas! retraced in a nation's blood. At the 1 i n.i. . -r ncau oi mao procession, sir, 1 seo him whose bones sleep do they slc6p, sir, mow? close by us at Mount Vernon. The sentence to which Washington points tho gentleman from Illinoii is that one he ut tered on tho 9th of September, A. D. 178G. just before ho bccaino President ol tho convention which mado tho Constitution In the namo of tho liberty which tho sword of Washington won in tho name or tne uonstitution v sshington made in the namo of the God Washington feared I beg my country to read that sentence to which Washington points us as he passes by us in this, may be, funeral procession of his Republic. Here it is: "II it among my first wishes to tee some plan adopted by which slavery in this country shall be abolished by law." Next to Washington, let Bonjamin Franklin pass by us. Ho wrote.'Hn part, tho Declaration of Independence His namo is to the Constitution, is linked with every glorious memory of the Revolution, is engraved upon the monumonta which philosophy crrccts for her most illustrious sons, and his immortal epitaph she has chijsoled there in the language of another icrublie "Eripuit fulmcn de coclo, seep-trumbuejtanni." The words to which Franklin points us, as ho passes by in the mournful procession, are tho very last pub- lie utterances of his illustrious life; and they come to us, gentleman of tho House, with startling emphasis, because they arc words of prayer addressed to an American C'ongresn. To Congress he savs: "Stop to the very verse of tho power rested in you for discouraging ovcry species of trafic in our fellow men." " devise some means for removing this inconsistency of character from tho American people." My fellow Americans, may I beg you, in tho light of the dread events now around us, to read the words to which the great Frankliu points us as ho goes by? .Next to Franklin let the author of the Declaration of Independence como. And as his grcut shade proceeds his finger is upou tho words of his which consecrated to freedom a vast empire, where now live six million freemen. They are: "There shall bo, in tho Territories of the Ncrthwest neither slavery nor involun tary servitude, except in tho punishment of crime." Next to Jefferson, lot Pattick Henry go by a name connected with he springs aud sources of our free institutions, and whoso lustre would only be dimmed by any attempt at eulogy. And as he passes us by he repeats, in solumn emphasis, those ever memorable words of his bearing date tho 13th of January, 1773: "It is a duty wo owe to tho purity of our religion toshow that it is at variance with that law that warrants slavery. I believe that tho timo will como when an opportunity will be offered to abolish this lamentable evil." Lot tho father of the Constitution, Mad ison, go by uext to tho illustrious Henry. And as he goes, he points thoso who de clare that we brought this wor by our re fusal to make slavery, by name, eternal in tho Constitution, to his immortal word. "It is wrong to admit in the Constitution the idea that thero could bo property iu men." Yancey, the prince of the rebels, whoso keen blade the gentleman from Illinois felt at Charleston, xcas, perhaps, as well posted as to the secrets of tho rebellion as even tho gentleman from Illinois. Let this House, this country, history, hear and write down, with pen of iron and point of diamond, every word of this utterance of tho master of the rebellion; and let it never perish from the records of human wickedness. Let the gentleman from Illinois be careful to mark each word. Its date is material, and is December, 1861. He says : "No proffered compromise: no amendments to tho Constitution, no proffered additional guarantees, can delay her (the South's) action for independence ono moment. Thero is no defect in tho fundamental law; therefore it needs no alteration."Did Yancey know as well as ho of Illinois whereof he spoke? Did that man know? Ho was selected by tho rebel South to be their mouthpiece at Charleston, and whose speech thero was to annihilate "squatter sovereignty" and Democracy, and to complete tho first act in this infernal drama of rebellion and murder. Sir, did ho know whether they wanted "honorable compromise." Sir, will the gentleman accept this utterance of the commissioner? Yancey, Rost, and Mann as evidence of what concessions for compromises they wanted. Theso are their words, which bear date tho 14th of August, 1861: "It was from no fear thas tho slave? would be liberated that secession took place. The very party in power had pro posed to guaranty slavery forever iu tho States; if the South would but remain in the Union. Will the gentleman, in the teeth of this solemn official utterance by tho diploma tic representatives of this huge treason, iu which they aver that they did not leave the Uuion from "any fear" as to their slaves, persist in declaring that they lied aud did have fears which themselves dis claimed, and which compromise would have assauged? My countrymen, among those deeds look next at tho action of your own Gov crnment, done to conciliate these rebels. Aftor they, by withdrawing from Congress, gave all the power to tho loyal States, you organized all your Territories into three Governments, and in each you not only did not exclude siavcry, but you expressly enacted that all property should be protect cd; so that, if Dred Scott dicta were law, you protected slavery in every inch of American territory not hecrtoforo organi zed. You, at tho same timo, by a two- thirds vote in each branch of Congross, passed amendments to the Constitution, whereby Congress was expressly prohibited from ever disturbing slavery in the SW")s. You pii'wl unanimously a rexoln tiou declaring that Congress bad uo power or iucliuatiou to touchslavery in the States. The Executive, in the most solemn form, protested tho same purpose not to disturb their domestic institution. May I ask you, my fcllow-ciiizana, who are not quite insane with p&rtioxu madness, did not Yancy, Rost, aud Mann tell tho truth when they said they had mo fears for slavery, and that "the party iu power had proposced to guaranty it forever in tho States?" lid not Douglas tell tho truth wheu ho dcclared"that the rights of the South never stood firmer under the law than wheu they rebelled," und that 'there was never a day since Washington was inaugurated that they had not as good a cause for rebellion as when they did rebel?"Double-Edged Historical Reminiscences.Tho Cincinnati Enquirer quotes some remarks of members of the House durinr Jefferson's Administration, ou the bill which passed the Senate, and was then pcuding iu tho House, to suspend the privilege of the habeas corpus, ou the occasiou of the Burnt expedition. This tho Enquirer gives under the head of "The suspeu sion of the habcans corpus how tho members of Congress in Jefferson's day regarded it." The historical reference will bo incomplete unless the Enquirer also mentions the fact that this bill, which it now quotes as infamous, was iutroduced at the iustauce of Jefferson, whom it calls the father of the Democratic Party, and that it was introduced to cover arrests which he had already mado by military force in New Orleans, where the courts ano. all tho civil authorities were iu uudisturbed operation, aud to enable him to hold in military custody citizens whom ho had brought from Now Orleans by sea, aud some of whom were then held by the marine corps at Washington. This was the Jeffcr3n Democratic practice in those days, on a mere alarm of an undefined expedition, whose purposes wore unknown, and whoso actual organization was less formidablo than any of the filibustering expeditions that have left our coast within the last ten years. But on this alarm Jefferson immediately took measures as strung as any that huve been piacticed or advocated by the supporters of the Government in the presence ol this great war. There was no expedition within a thousand miles of New Orleans. But ueu. ilkeson arrested there some ottue most promiueutcitizensol the West, aimmg them a Kentucky Senator of the United States, put them on shipboard so as to avoid the iuterferecco of the courts, and sent them to Washington. Two of them had arrived at Washington, though it was not generally known, aud wero in tho custody of the marine corps, when at the instance of Jefferson-, a bill to suspend the habeas corpus over the wholo United States was iutroduced iuto tho Senate, and passed in a single secret session by the suspension of all tho rules. The bill cainc to the House where time was taken for deliberation. It failed because it was evidentthat thero was no pub-lie danger to justify it. It was an enormous measure to bo taken on so small and local an occasion, aud tho arrests, and the carrying of the -parties outof their district, where tho Courts are unimpeded, was strong practice; but these measures showed what Jefferson, tho "father of tho Democratic party," and tho head of the strict constructionists of the powers of tho National Government, thought justified by publio dangor. The first prisoners wero discharged by tho Supremo Court uudcr writ of habeas corpus, against tho strenuous opposition of the Administration, tho Court finding nothing to implicate them in any way with any treasonable conspiracy. Tho rest wero discharged without contest. Inasmuch as tho Enquirer has referred to this historical incident, will it inform its readers whether those arrosts were a violation of tho Constitution, which justified men in taking up arms against the Government; also, whether tho taking of these men from the district, where only by tho Constitution they could bo legally tried, and putting them in military crstody at Washington, constituted what it now calls a "Republican bastile;" and also whether the bill which passed the Senate to suspend tho writ of habeas corpus over the United States was a bill to set aside thelonstitution, and to "work & complete uuusiuriuauou in me power Ot tne CrOV- ernmont." Cin. Gasette A small town is a place where there aro many tongues to tuft, and but few heads to think. Tho principles of a just lovo, warm with affection for fallon humanity, ani for just and good God, involvo, permeate and J corrproh,nd all other tru'b. il)iliren3 Columu. Far tU Chiid' Ptptr. Roots. Johnny lius two black friend:, veryper-vice-able to Liu. They help him over hard places, for they are stout and strong; they carry him through wet places, for they are tiht aud snug. They take him to school and back again, to the shops and the pust-office, uud to play, wheu they clutter terribly. Y.,u caif always tell when Johnny is coming by the noise they wake. Their name is Boots. I lis mother gavo him a corner in the elon.'t to keep them in, and a brush to clean them with; and upon the whole, Johnny's boots began their career in the world under good auspices. Altera while, however, Johuny outgrew his interest in them. Sometimes one was ln-t. and sometimes the other; when found, they were dirty or wet, looking quite ill-iiM'd. Johnny," said his umther, "you neglect your boots; that wou't do. You muHt make them la.it; but they won't lost good without care.'' "Oh," said Johnny cr.relessly, "there's plenty more where they come from. Wheu these are worn out, all I've got to do is to buy another pair; the shops are full of boots." Without gainsaying tha exactness of Johnny's estimate, she only said, "That does not icssou our duty of using carefully what costs so much time aud toil to make, Johnny." "Why," cried he, who thought himself a knowing boy, "Fe been to Mr. Freeman's back shop, and saw thesewing-ma-chincs sew the boots, and they did it in lesi than no time. Why, 'twas no trouble at all; could do it." "Then you did not know, Johnny, did you, that your boot was begun a good while ago on a little calf's back?" said his mother. "No," said Johuny, "I'm sure I didn't." "And the little calf wua killed and un-dressed; that is, its hide wai taken off. aud the hide was carried to a tannery, where it was pickled iu Un water nnd made into leather. "While this going cn, takirga good deal of tiuie and a numbtr of men, far away in the forest a tail tree was cut down aud chopped up, aud tin-wood loaded on a cart and Ukert to the mill, whose biL1; wheel and little w'u.-cls turuod it out i,0 larit. I.:,st. you know, are wooden teet ot all tiizes, to -Impe the bouts and shoes by. It took time and bands tu d.i this aljo. Then there wxs auother will in another pluco, whirring and whirring, at work turniiu' out millions and millions "little pegs, shoe-pegs, to fasten the soles on. 1 her was worn too. "our boois have likewise to be sewed with brown thread, and that thread is miiiii from flax, which was growing all one sum mer on a great fatm; and the farmer who planted it aud harvested it, sold it to tho spinners. It took time and hands to do that too. Aud the spinuors pn it, and, the shop-keepers bought it to sell gain to the shoemakers to sew your boots with. Theu the needle; that was manuk-turcd iu England, and across the waters It sailed in a great ship, to K-rid its eye to the thread that sewed tho boots. And so from a grcatmany different places, the barnyard, the tannery, the farm, and the forest, and I canot tcil through the hands of how many different men and boys, the shoemakers had to collect their stock before they were ready to manufacture the pair of boots or shoes which cover ycur feet." "I ncvor!" cried Johnny, seizin;; his neglected boot and examining it e'uriously. "This boot has ccTrte fr'im tho forest, tho farm, and the little culf hack. Itlmsbcen over a good deal of ground, Ini'nt it?" "Aud don't soi, Johnny,"said his mother, "il it costs so rowh skill, so much industry, so many carts and oxen and railraods and hands all working together to mako your clothes, what good care you should take cf them, and how wrong it is to abuFe and neglect them? If Ood takes so much pains to make you and all the childicn comfortable, how thankful yon should bo lo him, and how anxiout to uso aright the good glfis of his kind providence, which is ofrtaioly one of the bent proofs of thankfulucss." Johnny picked up Via ooot? and placed them before the fro to d;y; he banted np hia brush, and brushed hein spruoely up. They looked again u'ruist at. good as new, and the little boy snreynd thorn with er. ident ;itiifactio j. "Bootp," nave Jeliimy, ''boots," not quite knong how to express his new sense v,f thoir value, "boots is somebody!" Well then, I hope he and all other little boys will treat them accordingly. Wc pity the family tljfi t siu df n to ft tr il thw tiraci dty. 7T